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LY THE SAME AUTHOR
THE DOCTRINE OF THE PROPHETS
THE WARBURTON1AN LECTURES FOR 1880-1890
Crown Svo. 6s.
MACMILLAX AND CO., LTD., LONDON.
THE DIVINE LIBRARY
OF THE
OLD TESTAMENT
"As we are in no sort judges beforehand, by what laws or rules,
in what degree, or by what means it were to have been expected
that God would naturally instruct us ; so upon supposition of His
affording us light and instruction by revelation, additional to what
lie has afforded us by reason and experience, we are in no sort
judges by what methods and in what proportion it were to be ex
pected that this supernatural light and instruction would be
afforded us. . . .
" Neither obscurity nor seeming inaccuracy of style, nor various
readings, nor early disputes about the authors of particular parts, nor
any other things of the like kind, though they had been much more
considerable in degree than they are, could overthrow the authority
of the Scripture ; unless the Prophets, Apostles, or our Lord, had
promised that the book containing the Divine revelation should be
secure from those things." — Bishop Butler, Analogy, Part ii. ch. 3.
THE DIVINE LIBRARY
OF THE
OLD TESTAMENT
ITS ORIGIN, PRESERVATION, INSPIRATION, AND
PERMANENT VALUE
FIVE LECTURES
BY
A. F. KIRKPATRICK, D.D.
MASTER OF SELWYN COLLEGE
LADY MAROARET PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OK CAMBRTDCK
AND HONORARY CANON OF ELY CATHEDRAL
MACMILLAN AND CO, LIMITED
ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON
1909
il4o
First Edition 1891
Reprinted 1892, 1896, 1901, 1904, 1906, 1909
19 1944
PEEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
OF the Lectures contained in this volume four were
delivered in the Cathedral of St. Asaph, at the
invitation of the Dean and Chapter, to a gather
ing of clergy and laity from different parts of the
Diocese, in Whitsun week of 1891. The third
Lecture is one of a course given at Ely in 1885,
with reference to the appearance of the Revised
Version of the Old Testament. I have added it
here, as I had originally intended to include the
subject of the Preservation of the Old Testament
in the course of Lectures at St. Asaph, and it
forms a natural sequel to the two Lectures on the
Origin of the Old Testament.
The Lectures are now published in accordance
with a wish expressed by some of those who heard
them at St. Asaph, and in the hope that they may
be a contribution, however humble, towards the
propagation, I will not say of right opinion, but
of a right temper and attitude, with reference to
the questions which are exercising the mind of
the Church at the present time with regard to
the Old Testament. The spirit in which these
vi PREFACE
questions are approached is more important than
an immediate solution of them; and I rejoice to
think that there are abundant and increasing signs
of the spread of a right and wise spirit.1 Solutions
of some of the questions at issue can only come
with time, after patient examination and re-exam
ination of the evidence, and — I will venture to say —
after first-hand investigations carried on independ
ently by English scholars from every possible point
of view ; for which, alas ! so few have the necessary
ability, taste, training, and leisure in combination.
Meanwhile the temper and attitude of the
Church, and especially of the clergy, are of prime
importance for the future of the Church and of
Belief. The attempt to decry the critical study
of the Old Testament on a priori grounds can
only prove mischievous in the end. The intelligent
Christian will not say, " These views are contrary
to my theory of inspiration," or " They are incom
patible with this or that dogma, and therefore they
cannot be true "; but "Are these views grounded upon
facts ? and if so how must I modify the theory, or
qualify the inferences I have drawn from the dogma,
and perhaps re-state it ? " Their apparent opposition
to what we have received to hold may be good
reason for special caution and reserve in accepting
new ideas, but it is idle to invoke dogma to defeat
critical and historical research, conducted upon sound
principles, and limited to its proper fsphere.
1 See Note A.
PREFACE vi]
Some words of that great theologian Dollinger
may well be applied to the study of the Old
Testament at the present moment.
" The work of a true theologian is to dig deep,
to examine with restless assiduity, and not to draw
back in terror should his investigation lead to con
clusions that are unwelcome or inconsistent with
preconceived notions or favourite views. ... It is
a law as valid for the future as for the past that
in theology we can only through mistakes attain
to truth. . . . Use none but scientific weapons in
philosophical and theological inquiries, banish . . .
all denunciation and holding up to suspicion of
those who differ from us." l
I have endeavoured in these Lectures to state
and illustrate some fundamental principles which
are helpful to myself, and I trust may be helpful
to others, though they only form as it were a
standing ground from which to survey more dim-
cult questions.
On the one hand, no devout Christian who be
lieves the facts of the Incarnation and Eesurrection
can possibly regard Christianity as merely one among
the great religions of the world ; or view the religion
of Israel, which formed the preparation for it, as
merely a natural development out of the conscious
ness of a naturally religious people. He must hold
fast without wavering to the conviction that Chris-
1 Quoted in the Preface to Oxenharn's translation of The First
Age of the Church.
viii PREFACE
tianity occupies a wholly unique place in the history
of religions ; that it is not merely somewhat superior
to other religions, but differs from them in kind, as
being God's supreme and final revelation of Himself
to mankind in His Son. He must hold fast with
equal tenacity to the conviction that the history of
Israel was a divinely ordered history, and the religion
of Israel a divinely given revelation, leading up to
the Coming of Christ, and preparing for it in a
wholly different way from the negative preparation
which went on silently in the heathen world.
This belief we accept as Christians on the author
ity of our Lord and the Apostles whom He taught.
And when we pass from the consideration of the
history of Israel and the revelation made to Israel
to the consideration of the documents in which that
history and that revelation are recorded, we cannot
but accept them on the same authority as possessing
a Divine element, as being, to use our ordinary word,
inspired. But, on the other hand, they have a human
element in them also. God speaks to men through
men. The extent and nature of this human element,
and its relation to the Divine element of which it is
the vehicle, must be investigated with the fullest
freedom, combined, it need hardly be said, with the
most thorough reverence. The inductive method
must be applied to the examination. Facts must
be carefully ascertained and co-ordinated. From
them we may frame a working hypothesis which
must be verified by fresh comparison with facts.
PREFACE IX
and may lead us on a step farther. But nothing
can be more fatal than to approach the study of
Scripture with a rigid theory, and to attempt to force
phenomena into agreement with that theory. " It is/3
as the Archbishop of Canterbury has pointed out,
" of the transition from the spiritual into the natural
that we are least able to form an idea . . . and it
is to such a region that the thought of inspiration
belongs, the thought of God passing into the limited
thought of man." In defining inspiration, if indeed
it is possible to define it at all, we must proceed
with the greatest caution, and recognise that the
definition can be only provisional.
The analogy of Creation helps us. By faith we
understand that the worlds have been framed, by the
word of God\ but that belief does not hinder us
from examining by all the scientific methods within
our power into the processes by which the worlds
were made. Such an examination must in the end
enlarge our knowledge of God and of His ways of
working.
The plan of these Lectures is a simple one. The
first two treat of the origin of the Old Testament on
its human side. Their object is to show to what a
large extent the books of the Old Testament have
grown to their present form by the action of literary
processes. The human element in them is large,
larger perhaps than we are readily willing to admit ;
and so far as this element is concerned they cannot
be exempted from literary and historical criticism,
x PREFACE
nay they cannot be explained without it. Sobei
criticism is the ally, not the enemy, of theology and
religion.
The third Lecture illustrates the same idea from
the history of the text of the Old Testament. Once
men found it possible to believe in a miraculous
preservation of the text of the Old Testament from
all error. Now, by the examination of facts, we
know that this has not been the case. Here, too,
a human element comes in. While we gratefully
recognise that a superintending Providence has
watched over the preservation of the Scriptures,
candour compels us to acknowledge that it has
not been part of the Divine plan to protect them
supernaturally from all change and error in the
manifold vicissitudes of a long textual history.
The fourth Lecture deals briefly with the Divine
side of this Divine-human book. The fact of its
inspiration is recognised, and some characteristics
of inspiration, negative and positive, are considered ;
but here again stress is laid on the necessity of
deducing our conception of inspiration from the
examination of inspired books, instead of approach
ing them with an a priori theory as to what inspira
tion can and cannot include.
The fifth Lecture treats of the permanent value
of the Old Testament for the Christian Church,
which is the natural corollary to its inspiration ;
and of the sense in which it is still valid for the
Christian Church as ' fulfilled ' in Christ.
PREFACE xi
The Lectures do not attempt to deal with many of
the graver questions which are being raised as to the
Old Testament. I may have miscalculated, but it
seemed to me that a frank and full recognition of the
extent of the human element in the Old Testament,
associated with an equally frank and full recognition
of its Divine character, is the necessary preliminary
to the solution of more difficult questions ; and that
this step has still to be made by many who have
grown up in traditional views of the origin of the
Bible. It is for such readers that these Lectures are
intended.
I venture to ask my readers, as I asked my
audience, that this course of Lectures should be
taken and judged as a whole ; that they should
not throw down the book in disgust after the
perusal of the first two Lectures without going on
to the fourth and fifth, which form the necessary
supplement and corrective to them. The human
and Divine elements in the Old Testament are
inseparably joined together, though we are perforce
obliged to consider them separately. We cannot
see the whole of the sphere at once.
And for my own part let me disclaim any wish
dogmatically to impose certain views upon my
readers. All I ask is that they should search the
Scriptures, whether these things are so. The Lectures
will not have been wasted, if they may serve to
stimulate any hearer or reader to a more diligent
study of the Old Testament. Each age has some-
xii PREFACE
thing fresh to contribute towards the better under
standing of it. Each age has some fresh lesson to
learn from it. If the special work to which our
age is called is that of the historical study of the
Old Testament in its origin and growth, as the
record of the Divine education of Israel, one
special lesson which we may learn from it is the
lesson of the certain and wonderful accomplish
ment of God's purposes for His people, and through
them for the world — a lesson of infinite encourage
ment in times when faith and patience are often
severely strained.
I must not conclude without a word of hearty
thanks for much kindness shown me in connexion
with the delivery of these Lectures, and an ex
pression of my sincere admiration for the way in
which the Dean and Chapter of St. Asaph, by
gathering the often isolated and much-tried clergy
of a scattered diocese for a short period of social
reunion and theological instruction, are making the
Cathedral a real centre for the diocese. To have
been allowed to take part in such a gathering
is no common privilege. It leaves behind many
pleasant recollections, only tempered by the wish
that the duty imposed on the lecturer could have
been more faithfully discharged.
Lastly, my thanks are due to my friend the Rev
E. Appleton for his kind help in revising the proofs.
THE COLLEGE, ELY,
August 1891.
CONTENTS
LECTURE I
THE ORIGIN OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
PAGE
THE origin of the books of the Bible a legitimate subject
for investigation — Such investigation not to be feared, in
spite of the difficulties which it raises — Like the scientific
investigation of Nature, it must ultimately teach us more
of the Divine methods . ...... 1-3
The Divine Library an instructive title for the Bible —
The broad distinction between the Old and New Testaments
— The triple division of the Old Testament into Law, Pro
phets, and Writings ........ 4-7
The function of Biblical criticism to confirm, correct, or
supplement the traditional accounts of the origin of the
books of the Bible — Criticism an inductive science ; its con
clusions more or less probable — Questions of authorship are
not settled by New Testament references, which necessarily
adopt the current nomenclature of the time . . . 7-11
The books of the Old Testament to a large extent the
result of processes of compilation and editing . . . 11
(a} The Historical Books based upon earlier prophetic
narratives — The method of Oriental historiography and its
bearing on their character . .• . . . . 12-15
(b) The Prophetical Books may in some cases owe their
present form to the prophets whose names they bear, but in ^
others are of composite origin — Much prophetic teaching in
the first instance" oral, and subsequently recorded in sum
mary by the prophet himself or his disciples— The teaching
of different prophets may be combined in the same volume . 1 G, 17
xiv CONTENTS
PACK
A prophet's modus opcrandi illustrated from Jeremiah —
The teaching of more than twenty years summarised in the
roll dictated to Barucli — This roll the basis of the existing
book — Internal evidence points to the freer intervention of ^
an editorial hand in the later parts of the book — Probable
method of arrangement of prophecies in the roll — The two
recensions of the book of Jeremiah ..... 17-22
Important bearing of investigations into the origin
and character of the prophetic books upon their inter
pretation . 22, 23
LECTURE II
THE ORIGIN OF THE OLD TESTAMENT — continued
COMBINATION of the works of different prophets in the same
volume illustrated by the book of Isaiah — Grounds for at
tributing Is. xl.-lxvi. to a prophet living in Babylonia
towards the close of the Exile — The Exile an existing fact-
Cyrus already in full career of conquest — The restoration of
the exiles close at hand 24-29
Evidence of style and language confirms the conclusion
that the prophecy cannot be Isaiah's — Probable incorpora
tion of older prophecies in the \vork — The author a true
disciple and successor of Isaiah, worthy to share his master's
fame — This view involves no denial of prediction, and is in
accordance with the general principle of the circumstantial
origin of prophecy — Gain to the interpretation of this pro
phecy when it is brought into vital connexion with the
history of the time 29-33
(c) The Hagiographa —
The book of Proverbs a clear example of a composite-
work, consisting of three principal divisions, distinguished ^
by marked characteristics — The product of the wisdom not
of one individual or of a single age, but of many men and
ages 34-36
The Psalter a composite work — Positive evidence of
editing, adaptation, and combination in particular Psalms —
Similar processes probably went on elsewhere also — The ^/
main divisions of the Psalter — Previously existing collec
tions included in them — Meaning and value of the title a
Psalm of David — No good reason for regarding all the Psalms
as post-exilic ......... 36-41
CONTENTS XY
PAOE
(d) The Law-
Pentateuch or Hexateuch ? — Mosaic authorship of the
whole Pentateuch a Jewish tradition, nowhere asserted in
the Pentateuch itself— Comparatively small portions only
said to have been written by Moses — Grounds for maintain
ing its composite origin from four principal documents :
the ' Priests' Code, ' the ' Elohistic ' and ' Jehovistic ' his
tories ; and Deuteronomy — These documents based upon
still older materials ........ 41-47
Ancient Babylonian narratives of the Creation, Fall, and
Flood, resembling those of Genesis — These traditions may
have been brought with them by the Hebrews in their original
migration to Canaan . . . . . . . . 47, 48
Critical investigation of the origin of the Bible the
duty of the Christian student, not for its own sake, but for
the better understanding of the Divine message . . . 49, 50
LECTURE III
THE PRESERVATION OP THE OLD TESTAMENT
THE history of the preservation of the Old Testament a
natural sequel to the history of its origin — The Scriptures
not supernaturally exempted from error in transmission . 51-53
Wide difference between the documentary authorities for
the text of the Old Testament and those for the text of the
New Testament in (1) age ; (2) character — Hebrew MSS. of
the Old Testament comparatively recent, and all of the
same type — This uniformity due to the adoption of a standard
text, probably in the first century A.D., which superseded
other forms of text ........ 53-55
Disappearance of ancient MSS. accounted for — Hebrew
MSS. are either rolls for synagogue use, without vowels
('unpointed'), or volumes for private use, with vowels
('pointed') — Hebrew originally written without vowels;
the ' vowel points ' a later addition ..... 55-57
The history of the text may be divided into four periods —
(i. ) Before Ezra. The old Hebrew character in use, as seen
on the Moabite stone, the Siloam inscription, and Macca-
baean coins . . . . . . . . . 58, 59
(ii.) From Ezra to 70 A.D. Introduction of the ' square '
character— The existence of various forms of text in this
xvi CONTENTS
PAGE
period proved by the evidence of the Samaritan Pentateuch
and the LXX 60-63
(iii. ) From 70 A.D. to 500 A.D. Determination of a
standard text probably connected with the reconstruction of
Judaism after the Fall of Jerusalem — Evidence of the Greek
Versions of the second century ; of Origen ; Jerome ; the
Targums ; and the Talmud— Labours of the scribes in this
period — K'tlubh and Q'ri — The exegetical tradition gradu
ally fixed, but no vowel signs yet employed — Gradual
development of the system of pronunciation . . . 63-69
(iv. ) From 500 A.D. to 1000 A.D. Deduction of the exe
getical tradition to writing by the addition of vowel points
and accents to the text in the seventh and eighth centuries
— Kival schools of Babylon and Tiberias — Elaboration of
the Massora as a safeguard for the exact preservation of the
text — Character and value of the Massoretic Text . . 69-74
Controversies of the seventeenth century between the
Buxtorfs and Cappel and Morin— Proofs of the imperfec
tion of the Massoretic Text from (1) internal evidence ;
(2) parallel passages ; (3) the Versions — Examples of pas
sages needing correction — Treatment of the text by the
Revisers — Relative superiority of the Massoretic Text . 74-82
Textual criticism not merely negative and destructive —
Its bearing on the study of the Old Testament . . . 82-84
LECTURE IV
THE INSPIRATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
IN all the variety of the books of the Old Testament there
is a unity which testifies to a common origin — The fact of
inspiration assumed in the New Testament and in the
Christian Church, but no definition of inspiration given —
We are left to deduce from Scripture what inspiration
means .......... 85-90
The Divine and human factors in Scripture have been
alternately exaggerated, and inspiration consequently re
garded as purely mechanical, or merely subjective — A true
view must take full account of both factors . . . 90-93
The question of the inspiration of the Old Testament best I
approached from the consideration of its character as the /
record of God's revelation of Himself to Israel in His purpose
CONTENTS xvii
PAGE
of redeeming love with a view to the establishment of His
universal kingdom — Israel chosen and trained to be the bearer
of God's revelation of Himself and the mediator of His pur
pose of Redemption to the world — This revelation gradual,
progressive, manifold — It required a record, which must
correspond to the revelation, and be at once superhuman, as
describing the will and action of God, and human, as
written by men in a language intelligible to men . . 93-95
The characteristics of inspiration must be deduced from
an examination of the inspired books . . . . . 95, 96
(1) Some positive characteristics. It takes primitive
traditions and purifies them — It treats history from the
religious point of view — It is readily recognised and gener
ally acknowledged in Prophecy and the Psalms — General
evidence of the Providential superintendence of the record 97-103
(2) Some negative characteristics. It does not involve
independence of existing materials, or of research, or of
current literary methods— It docs not guarantee immunity
from error in matters of fact, science, or history — It does not
exclude imperfection, relativity, accommodation . 103-107
Difficulties raised by the neglect to observe the progress
ive nature of revelation ...... 107,108
Double proof of the inspiration of the Old Testament in
its unity and in the response of the soul to its message 109-111
LECTURE V
THE USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN
CHURCH
THE permanent value of the Old Testament for the Christian
Church attested in the New Testament by positive state
ment, and even more by the use made of it — The use of the
Old Testament i:i the New Testament recognises a deeper
sense in it, but differs widely from the arbitrary use found
in Jewish and later Christian writings — Use of the Old
Testament not merely transitional .... 112-116
Alleged neglect of the Old Testament in the present day
— Danger of such neglect — Due partly to past misuse, but
more to vague suspicions — Critical uncertainties must not
be allowed to deprive us of the use of the Old Testament 116 123
xvni CONTENTS
PAGE
Some uses of the Old Testament for the Christian Church —
(1) Its historic use as the record of the preparation for \
the Incarnation can never become obsolete — It must not be /
left to apologists, but is indispensable for the confirmation
of faith — The argument from prophecy — The fulfilment of
prophecy ......... 1:23-126
(2) The Old Testament indispensable for the interpreta
tion of the New Testament, in regard to language ; theological
ideas ; our conception of the course and methods of divine
Providence and the establishment of Christ's kingdom 126-129
(3) National lessons from the Old Testament — The re
sponsibility of nations — Personality of nations — Continuity
of national life 130, 131
(4) Social lessons ........ 131
(5) Devotional and practical value — Some religious ideas
most easily comprehended in simple and concrete forms —
The religious imagination — The language of the soul . 131-133
The Old Testament must not be confounded with the
New Testament — The Christian interpretation of the Old
Testament as fulfilled in Christ — It must be read in the
light of that fulfilment — The deeper meaning of the Old
Testament necessarily involved in the idea of its inspiration 133-141
Conclusion . 141-143
Notes , . 145
LECTURE I
THE ORIGIN OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
ro\v/j,epu)s Kal iroXvTpbTrws TrdXcu 6 0e6s \a\rjffas roZV irarpaffiv £v
s. — HEB. i. 1.
THERE have been times in which it would have been
thought a sufficient answer to the question, What
was the origin of the Old Testament ? to reply that
men spake from God, being moved ly the Holy Ghost,
and the result was_the book which we call the Bible.
The Bible, it would have been said, is an Inspired
Book.; further inquiry into the processes by which
the several books which it contains came into their
present form is superfluous, if not irreverent.
Such an answer, however, cannot be accepted as
satisfactory in the present day. We cannot fail to
recognise that this Book, the unity of which we can
still affirm in virtue of its Divine origin, is, on its
human side, a collection of books of the most varied
character and origin. The Bible is in itself a litera
ture ; it records a history. It could not be exempted,
if we wished it, from the laws and the methods of
& B
2 THE ORIGIN OF THE OLD TESTAMENT LECT.
literary and historical criticism. We should not
wish to exempt it, if we could. The fact that the
Bible is placed in our hands as the record of God's
revelation of Himself to man, and the history of His
gracious purpose for the redemption of the world,
does not exclude, but rather invites, the fullest
investigation of the methods of that purpose, and
of the character of the record of it. We must not
hesitate to subject the title-deeds of our faith to the
closest and most searching scrutiny.
It is true that the critical investigation of the
Bible raises not a few questions of grave difficulty.
The answers to these questions may not prove to be
altogether such as we should have anticipated. But
the criticism and interpretation and application of
the Bible must be progressive ; different aspects of
its character and teaching have come into promin
ence in different ages ; and the aim of true biblical
students will not be " to defend what once they have
stood in," but "to find out simply and sincerely
what truth they ought to persist in for ever." J
Attention has often been called to the analogy
between " the sacred volume of the Word of God
and the Scriptures " and " the great volume of the
works of God and His creatures." The comparison
is fruitful and suggestive in many ways. Modern
scientific research may sometimes seem to remove
God farther from us, nay, even to banish the Creator
from His creation. The uniformity of the laws of
1 Hooker, Eccl. Pol. iii. 8, 8,
I A SUBJECT FOR INVESTIGATION 3
nature may appear to resemble the resultant of blind
Force rather than the expression of sovereign Will.
The methods by which creation, as we are now learn
ing, has been moulded into its present form may
prove to be far different from those which we should
have expected Divine Omnipotence to employ. Scien
tific research has raised problems which call for a
readjustment of old conceptions of the relations of
God and nature. Yet there is no doubt that religion
has been the gainer. Even those of us who only
pick up at second hand some disconnected fragments
of the marvellous discoveries of modern science,
know vastly more than previous ages could know of
the wisdom and power and goodness of the Creator; of
His inexhaustible patience and resourcefulness and
adaptation of means to a distant end. Paradox as
it may seem, the laws of nature as they are revealed
to us by scientific research, stand to this age in the
stead of the miracles which were given to former ages,
And so it is with the Bible. As we let the light
of historical research and literary criticism shine
freely upon it, we learn more of the methods of
God's dealings with men ; of His patience and
resourcefulness and silent ways of working, unseen
by any human eye, so that the seed of His purposes
springs up and grows, man knows not how, first the
blade, then the ear, then the full corn in the ear. And
if we find that in the record of His dealings with
men He has left more to the human instruments
through whom He spoke than was once supposed, is
4 THE OLD TESTAMENT LECT.
it not rather cause for marvel at His condescension,
than for distrust of the message ?
The earliest collective title of the whole Bible,1
first found in St. Jerome in the fourth century,
is singularly instructive. " The Divine Library "
(BiUiotheca Divina) at once reminds us that we
have in the Bible not one book, but many. The
same truth indeed is latent in the familiar word
Bible. The word BiUia, which was borrowed by
Latin from Greek, means " the books," and it was
not until the thirteenth century that " by a happy
solecism, the neuter plural came to be regarded as a
feminine singular, and ' the books ' became by com
mon consent ' the Book ' (Biblia, sing.)." 2 But the
idea has been wholly lost in the modern usage of the
word, and it is worth while to revive the older title
in order to emphasise the fact that the Bible is in
deed a collection of literature of the most varied kind.
History, codes of law, oratory, poetry, philosophy
speculative and practical, epistolary correspondence
public and private, are included in it.
In this Library there are two great divisions, distinct,
but linked together by the closest ties, and rightly
regarded by the Christian Church as complementary
each to the other. Yet how vast are the differences
which distinguish the Old Testament from the New !
It is not merely that in the one. we have the litera
ture of a nation extending over a period of a thousand
years, in the other the writings of a Church during
1 See Bishop Westcott's Bible in the Church, p. 5. 2 Ibid.
r A DIVINE LIBRARY 6
little more than the first half century of its existence ;
not merely that the contents of the Old Testament
are more varied in their character than those of the
New ; not merely that their original languages, and
therefore to some extent their modes of thought and
expression, are different ; not merely that they are
separated by an obscure period of silence unbroken
by the voice of authoritative revelation ; but that
between them lies the unique and central event of
the world's history, for which all that went before
was the preparation, and of which all that follows
after is the interpretation and application.
It is with the- first of these collections only that
we are concerned in the present course of lectures.
Let us begin by taking a broad general survey of its
contents and divisions. The Jewish name for the
Old Testament is ' Law, Prophets, and Writings.' This
triple division of the'sacred books is referred to in the
New Testament in the words, All things . . . which
are written in the law of Moses, and the prophets, and
the psalms (Luke xxiv. 44) ; and it is at least as old
as the second century B.C. The wisdom of Jesus the
son of Sirach, which we commonly call Ecclesiasticus,
was translated into Greek by the author's grand
son, and in the preface to his translation, which
is dated about 130 B.C., he speaks of the diligent
study which his grandfather Jesus had bestowed
upon the law and the prophets and the other hooks of
our fathers. It would be rasli to infer that the
Canon of the Old Testament was finally closed
6 THE TRIPLE DIVISION LECT.
against all fresh additions in the time of Jesus the
son of Sirach ; but it is important to observe that a
clear distinction is already implicitly drawn between
the primary Canonical Books and secondary books
like Ecclesiasticus.
The titles of these divisions deserve a moment's
consideration. The Law or Pentateuch is obviously
much more than a code of law or a history of legisla
tion. It derives its name from that part of its con
tents which came in the later history of the Jewish
Church to be regarded as the chief and distinctive
part of Divine revelation, the great barrier erected
between Israel and heathenism. But it is well to re
member that the Hebrew word tor ah, translated "law,"
originally meant " instruction " or " direction." It
was synonymous with the word of Jehovah (Is. ii 3),
and included all Divine revelation as the guide of
life. It was only by degrees that the word came to
be narrowed and petrified, so as to suggest the idea
of restriction of liberty rather than direction of
conduct.
The 'Prophets' are divided into the 'Former
Prophets ' and the ' Latter Prophets/ the first of
these divisions including what we commonly call
the iHistorical Books' of Joshua, Judges, Samuel,
and Kings ; the second consisting of the books which
we are accustomed to regard as ' Prophetical,' Isaiah,
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Twelve Minor Prophets.
This wide conception of Prophecy is very noteworthy.
The Prophets were the historians of Israel ; it was
I OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 7
the function of Prophecy not only to foretell the
future and to declare the Divine will in the present,
but to record and interpret the lessons of the past
for the instruction of the future.
Among the 'Writings' or Hagiographa are in
cluded books of the most various kinds. The book
of Psalms is in itself a library in miniature, a golden
treasury of sacred song gathered out of many centuries
of Israel's history, giving expression to personal and
national feelings of devotion in manifold forms of
meditation and prayer and praise. The books of Job
and Ecclesiastes are monuments of the ' Wisdom ' or
religious philosophy of Israel on the speculative side,
while the book of Proverbs collects its teaching
through many generations in the sphere of practical
ethics.
We are considering the Bible, for the present,
simply as a literature, and we naturally ask whether
any light can be thrown upon the question, What
was the origin of these different books ? How were
the histories written, the prophetic utterances pre
served, the poetry and philosophy of the nation
collected and arranged ? The traditions of the Jewish
Church go some way, but only a little way, in furnish
ing an answer. But they are incomplete, and perhaps
not always trustworthy ; and the science of biblical
criticism endeavours to go further, and by interrogat
ing the books themselves, to ascertain whether they
corroborate those traditions, or, in their absence,
supply materials for a probable answer. " Criticism,"
8 THE FUNCTION tiot.
to quote the words of an admirable and sober critic,
Professor A. B. Davidson, " in the hands of those
who use it with reasonableness, is entirely an in
ductive science. Its argumentation is of the kind
called probable, and its conclusions attain to nothing
more than a greater or less probability, though the
probability may be such as entirely to satisfy the
mind." The criticism of the Old Testament (if I may
venture somewhat to enlarge Professor Davidson's
words so as to apply to our present subject) starts
with no a priori principles as to the nature of
Inspiration or Prophecy, or the capabilities of the
prophetic gift. It examines the books and observes
the facts, and its conclusions are those which such
an observation leads it to consider probable.1 Opinions
will differ as to the relative weight which is to be
attached to such probable conclusions from internal
evidence and to the apparently definite statements
of tradition, for example, in such a question as the
authorship of Psalms ascribed to David, or of different
parts of the book which bears the name of Isaiah ;
but the general consensus of sober opinion tends
in the direction of attaching greater weight to the
verdict of internal evidence, when it is fairly conclu
sive, than to traditions which sprang up in an entirely
uncritical age, and which have perhaps been supposed
to mean more than may have been originally intended
It may indeed be asked whether the New Testa
ment references do not at once decide many of these
1 Expositor, vol. vi. p. 91.
t OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM 9
questions for the reverent believer, and preclude
critical investigation. If the Pentateuch is referred
to as the law of Moses, or the latter chapters of Isaiah
are quoted as the look of the prophet Isaiah, are we
not bound to believe that the one was written by
Moses, the other by Isaiah ? If this position could
be maintained, Christian criticism would be an
anomaly and an impossibility. And there are some
teachers who do not scruple to put before us the
awful dilemma, "You must choose between Christ
and criticism." I call it an awful dilemma, because,
as it seems to me, it may amount to telling the
student of the Old Testament that he must be false
to his Divine Master, or false to the leading of the
reason which God has given him, — and that not in
mysteries which are outside the province of reason,
but in matters where reason is perfectly capable of
judging. The teachers who have presented us with
this dilemma can scarcely have realised the strain to
which it must subject the faith of some of the
younger generation. But I firmly believe that we
are not forced to make the choice. It is not, I believe,
contrary to the catholic doctrine of our Lord's Person
to suppose that in such matters His knowledge was
the knowledge of His time. There can, it seems to
me, be no impropriety or irreverence in such a view,
when we are expressly told that He advanced in
wisdom as well as in stature (Luke ii. 52) ; and when
in regard to at least one matter He Himself expressly
declared that His knowledge was limited, when He
10 QUESTIONS OF AUTHORSHIP LECT.
said, of that day or that hour knoweth no one, not even
the angels in heaven, neither the Son, lut the Father
(Mark xiii. 32) ; and this, although it was a matter
of supreme importance, and intimately connected
with the consummation of His own work. But apart
from this deep and mysterious question of the limita
tion of our Lord's knowledge as man, it is difficult to
see how He could (with reverence be it said) have
done otherwise in literary matters than adopt the
ordinary language of the time. He used, as we still
use, popular and not scientifically accurate language
with regard to natural phenomena such as the rising
and setting of the sun. And in like manner it is
difficult to see how He could have avoided using the
language of tradition with regard to the nomenclature
of the books of the Old Testament. If this is true
as regards our Lord, it will be true for the Evan
gelists and Apostles also. Inspiration did not super
sede the current language of the day in such matters.
There was nothing misleading in such usage at the
time, but it must not be misunderstood and mis
applied to hinder the freedom of reverent critical
research. I am glad to be able to refer to the Bishop
of Manchester's admirable treatment of this subject
in his recent volume, The Teaching of Christ. The
whole sermon on the "Limitations of our Lord's
Knowledge " should be read, but I may venture to
quote a few sentences from it.
"The question of the age or the authorship of any
passage in the Old Testament was never either started
I NOT DECIDED BY THE NEW TESTAMENT 11
by our Lord Himself or raised by His opponents.
He did not come into the world to give instruction
on such subjects. . . . When, however, we affirm our
Lord's human ignorance of natural science, historical
criticism, and the like, we are not to be understood
as denying the possibility of the miraculous com
munication of such knowledge ; but only the affirma
tion, so often confidently made, that the union of our
Lord's humanity with His divinity necessarily implies
the possession of such knowledge. He might be with
out it. We know that in one case He was without it.
He never claimed to possess it ; nor did His mission
require that He should possess it " (pp. 42-44).
The Christian student then may and must claim
the fullest liberty to examine the internal evidence
respecting their origin which may be gathered from
the contents of the books of the Old Testament, and
to apply that evidence if need be to correct the
traditional accounts of their origin.
Now the general principle to which I wish to call
your attention in these lectures is that the books of
the Old Testament, as we now have them, are to a
far greater extent than was commonly supposed until
recent times, the result of processes of compilation
and combination and, in modern phrase, 'editing.'
Many, perhaps most of them, were not, as may at
one time have been thought, written as integral
works or by a single author, and preserved precisely
in the original form. Some were constructed out of
earlier narratives ; some were formed by the union of
12 SOURCES OF THE LEOT
previous collections of poetry or prophecies ; some ;
betray marks of the reviser's hand ; and even books
which bear the names of well-known authors in some
cases contain matter which must be attributed to ^
other writers.
Let us look at the problem first as it presents
itself in the simplest form in the historical books or
'former prophets.' No one, I imagine, feels any
difficulty in acknowledging that the books of Samuel
and Kings are compilations from earlier documents.
In some cases they contain more than one account of
the same event, — for example, of Saul's elevation
to the throne, and of David's introduction to Saul.
These accounts regard the events from different points
of view, and cannot always be easily harmonised ; but
the very fact of their discrepance makes for the
good faith of the compiler who combined them. And,
to borrow the words of Dr. Salmon with reference to
the contradictions, real or supposed, in the Gospels,
" it is the constant experience of any one who has
ever engaged in historical investigation to have to
reconcile contradictions between his authorities," but
such apparent contradictions do not necessarily prove
that the opposing statements do not both proceed
from persons having a first-hand knowledge of the
events.
Similarly with regard to the book of Kings. It
is obvious that the graphic flowing narratives of the
ministry of Elijah and Elisha must be taken from
some other source than that which furnished the dry
I HISTORICAL BOOKS 13
annals and bare statistics of the life and death of
kings and the duration of their reigns.
But we can go farther than merely pointing out
that the books of Samuel and Kings were compila
tions. We can indicate with tolerable certainty
some, at least, of the main sources from which they
were compiled. The Chronicler (1 Chron. xxix. 29)
actually names as the original authority for the his
tory of David's reign, the history of Samuel the seer, and
the history of Nathan the prophet, and the history of
Gad the seer. The author of the book of Kings names
the look of the acts of Solomon (I Kings xi. 41) as his
authority for the history of Solomon's reign, and
frequently refers for fuller information to the book
of the chronicles of the kings of Judah, and the look
of the chronicles of the kings of Israel. But the
Chronicler's reference to the original authorities for
the history of Solomon's reign (2 Chron. ix. 29),
makes it a tolerably certain inference that the look of
the acts of Solomon was a history of his reign written
by the contemporary prophets Nathan, Ahijah, and
Iddo. Again, the histories of Shemaiah the prophet
and of Iddo the seer are appealed to as the authority
for the history of Kehoboam's reign (2 Chron. xii. 15) ;
and the commentary of the prophet Iddo for the reign
of Abijah (2 Chron. xiii. 22). But perhaps the most
important notices are some which tell us that the
history of Jehu the son of Hanani, recording the
events of the reign of Jehoshaphat, was inserted in
the look of the kings of Israel (2 Chron. xx. 34, K.V.),
14 THE METHODS LECT
and that the vision of Isaiah the prophet, which
narrated the acts and good deeds of Hezekiah, was to
be found in the look of the Kings of Judah and
Israel (2 Chron. xxxii. 32). For here apparently we
have a direct statement that prophetic narratives
were incorporated in the comprehensive history of the
kingdoms known to the Chronicler as the look of the
Kings of Judah and Israel, or briefly, the book of the
Kings of Israel ; and there is at least a reasonable
probability that these and similar narratives formed
a part of the materials used by the compiler of our
books of Kings, whether they were already embodied
in some larger historical work, or still existed in an
independent form.
Now what follows from this ? Nothing less than
that the primary authorities for large parts of the
history in the books of Samuel and Kings were the
narratives of contemporary prophets. Samuel may
have been the historian of his own lifetime, which
included the greater part of Saul's reign. Nathan
and Gad together may have recorded the history of
David's reign. The full and vivid account of David's
friendship with Jonathan may possibly be preserved
almost in the very words in which David told his
story to his friends the prophets ; and the singularly
graphic and detailed narrative of David's flight from
Jerusalem reads like the description by an eye
witness of the events of a memorable day, of which
every incident was indelibly stamped upon his memory.
But in order to appreciate the full force of these
I OF ORIENTAL HISTORIOGRAPHY 15
considerations, we must bear in mind the character
and methods of Oriental historiography. Oriental
historians did not write history as modern historians
usually do, by studying and digesting their authorities,
and then producing an entirely new work in their
own language; but, like the mediaeval chroniclers,
they incorporated the authorities which they made
use of, with but little change. They might put such
portions as they extracted from the different sources
available into a new framework or setting ; sometimes
they might modify one authority by comparison with
others ; sometimes they might add new matter of
their own ; but the language of the original accounts
would frequently be retained with comparatively
slight alterations.
There are no cogent reasons for referring the
compilation of the book of Samuel to a late date.
The book of Kings may have been completed sub
stantially before the exile, though the last chapter
carries the history down to the release of Jehoiachin
in 561 B.C. (2 Kings xxv. 27). But whatever may
have been the dates at which these books were
brought into their present form, there is good reason
to believe that their compilers had access to first
hand sources of information, and that in consequence
of the method of historical writing in vogue, these
books actually contain, with but little change, sub
stantial portions of original and contemporary nar
ratives.
I have detained you too long over a straight-
16 THE ORIGIN OF LECT.
forward matter, but it seemed worth while to com
mence our investigation with a simple form of the
problem, and to point out that this compilatory
method of composition brings us into a closer con
tact with the events and the actors than any other
method of historical writing could have done.
From the historical books or ' former prophets ' I
pass on to the prophetical books in our ordinary
sense of the word. The idea of the composite origin
of these books is far less familiar to the ordinary
reader of the Bible. Many, if they have thought at
all about the question, probably suppose that the
prophets themselves wrote down their own discourses
before or immediately after their oral delivery, and
themselves collected their writings into the books
which bear their names. This may have been the
case with some books, such, for example, as Joel and
Ezekiel, but it can hardly have been the case with
other books, such as Hosea and Isaiah. In the&e
books it is scarcely possible to suppose that the dis
courses were written down and arranged by the
prophets in the form in which they have come down
to us, and it is a positive hindrance to their interpre
tation to suppose it. It is only when we realise
that we may be passing, without any external indica
tion of the transition, from a discourse delivered to
one audience under one set of circumstances, to a
discourse delivered to a different audience under an
entirely different set of circumstances ; when further
we recognise that some of the discourses are only
I THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 17
condensed summaries of teaching which extended
over considerable periods, and others in all proba
bility notes, and sometimes fragmentary notes, of
their master's teaching preserved by the prophet's
disciples ; when once more we admit at least the
possibility that some of the prophetical books con
tain the writings of other prophets than those whose
names they bear, and of an entirely different period,
—it is only, I say, when we recognise possibilities
such as these, which a careful critical study raises
to the level of practical certainties, that we are in a
position to approach the study of these difficult and
obscure books with any hope of success.
I wish to illustrate these remarks from the books
of Jeremiah and Isaiah. In the one case we have
certain definite statements, from which important
inferences may be drawn, and which are remarkably
corroborated by internal evidence ; in the other we
have to argue from internal evidence only, but in
ternal evidence of a singularly convincing kind.
The book of Jeremiah contains an extremely in
structive account of the way in which a part — but
a part only — of that book was committed to writing.
We read in the 36th chapter that in the fourth year
of JehoiaJcim Jeremiah received this command from
God : Take thee a roll of a look, and write therein all
the words that I have spoken unto thee against Israel,
and against Judah, and against all the nations, from
the day I spake unto thee, from the days of Josiah, even
unto this day. Twenty-one or twenty-two years had
o
18 JEREMIAH'S LECT
passed since Jeremiah's call in the thirteenth year of
the reign of Josiah. During all this time he had
been prophesying, but as yet, it would seem, he had
committed nothing to writing. Now, however, in
obedience to the Divine command, he called his
disciple Baruch the scribe ; and Baruch wrote down
at Jeremiah's dictation all the words of the Lord,
which He had spoken unto him. The task occupied a
considerable time, and it was not until at least a year
afterwards, in the ninth month of the fifth year of
Jehoiakim, that Baruch, acting for Jeremiah, read
the words of the Lord, in the ears of the people, in the
Lord's house upon the fast day. We know the sequel :
how the king sent for the roll, and when it was read
before him, contemptuously shredded it to pieces
and burnt it on the fire in the brasier before him.
But the matter did not end there. Jeremiah, by
Divine command, took another roll, and Baruch
re-wrote at his dictation all the words of the look
which Jehoiakim had burned in the fire ; and the
account concludes with the significant statement that
there were added besides unto them many like words.
This narrative throws important light upon a
prophet's mode of working. There was a long period
of oral teaching, during which he committed nothing
to writing ; and obviously it can only have been a
condensed summary of that teaching which was
embodied in the roll. Doubtless it represented
faithfully the sum and substance of the message
which he had been commissioned to deliver ; but it
j AMANUENSIS 19
can scarcely have repeated the ipsissima verba of
discourses spread over a period of more than twenty
years. It is interesting to observe the instrument
ality of the faithful disciple Baruch, acting as the
prophet's amanuensis, as Tertius did for St. Paul
(Rom. xvi. 22). And further, it is to be noted that
the first form of. this collection of prophecies was not
its final form. Much was added when it was re
written.
The roll cannot, of course, have been co-extensive
with the existing book of Jeremiah, which contains
many prophecies belonging to a later date than the
fifth year of Jehoiakim, nor can we be sure that the
whole of the roll is preserved to us. The prophecies
have certainly not been kept in their original order,
for the prophecies against the nations, some at least
of which were included in the roll, are collected at
the end of the book according to the arrangement of
the Hebrew text. But much, if not all, of the roll
is doubtless embodied in the present book ; and there
is a remarkable difference between the language of
the earlier parts of the book, which were presumably
taken from it, and the later parts. In the earlier
parts of the book Jeremiah speaks in the first person.
The formula, the word of the Lord came unto me, or
some equivalent, is frequently used. Do we not in
this formula hear the very voice of the prophet dic
tating to his amanuensis ? The first person appears
still in some few of the later prophecies in chaps.
xxiv., xxvii., and xxviii. ; but in the later chapters
20 TWO RECENSIONS OF LECT
the third person takes its place, and the regulai
formula is, the word of the Lord came to Jeremiah.
Again, from chap. xx. onwards Jeremiah is very fre
quently styled Jeremiah the prophet, but this desig
nation does not occur in the earlier chapters. Such
a designation would scarcely have been used by the
prophet himself, but would have come quite naturally
from the pen of Baruch ; and this is a corroboration,
slight in itself but clear, of the inference which may
be derived from the use of the first and third per
sons noticed above — that in the later parts of the
book Baruch (if we may assume that it was he)
was acting more independently as the collector and
editor of his master's prophecies and the records of
his life than in the earlier parts, which he had in the
main written down from Jeremiah's dictation. Thus
the positive information which we have with reference
to the origin of the book of Jeremiah is remarkably
confirmed by internal evidence, and we are able
by the help of the internal evidence to supplement
that partial information by an exceedingly probable
conjecture.
The question still remains whether we can draw
any inferences from an examination of the earlier
prophecies, which were presumably taken from the
roll, as to the plan and method adopted by the
prophet in recording the teaching of those twenty-
one years. It is difficult to trace a distinct plan of
arrangement; but the framework appears to be in
the main chronological. But within, and to some
I THE BOOK OF JEREMIAH 21
extent traversing the chronological arrangement,
there is an arrangement according to subject-matter.
The prophet appears to have taken important dis
courses or incidents at successive periods of his
ministry for his starting-point ; and to have attached
to these other incidents or discourses of similar
character which might confirm or illustrate them,
although belonging to a different time.
The book of Jeremiah is thus seen to be composite
in its origin, and to consist partly of discourses which
were written down from the prophet's own dictation
as a summary record of his previous teaching, partly
of narratives and discourses which probably owe
their preservation and their present form to the
faithful care of his disciple Baruch.
As a further indication of the gradual way in
which the Old Testament grew into its final form,
it may here be noticed that the book of Jeremiah
evidently passed into circulation in two recensions,
differing considerably from each other. One of
these is represented by the Septuagint Version, the
other by the Hebrew text. The Septuagint differs
from the Hebrew both in order and in matter. In
the Septuagint the prophecies against the nations
(chaps, xlvi. — li. of the Hebrew and A.V.) stand after
chap. xxv. 13, and they are arranged in a different
order. Moreover, a considerable number of passages,
longer and shorter, which are found in the Hebrew
text, are not found in the Septuagint. There can
be little doubt that the book existed iu what we
22 THE BEARING OF CRITICISM LECT.
may call a longer and a shorter recension, the former
of which is represented by the Hebrew text, and the
latter by the Septuagint. In this variation we see
a trace of the process of ' editing ' which the books
of the Old Testament have undergone. The copy
from which the original used by the Septuagint
translators was derived had not received its final
revision. Baruch or others after him subsequently
revised the text, inserting some paragraphs, the con
nexion of which was doubtful, in more than one
place, and adding others, which were, or were com
monly reputed to be, the work of Jeremiah.
The history of the origin, of some of the other
prophetical books is probably not very dissimilar to
that of the book of Jeremiah. It is possible that
some of the prophets only wrote down some part of
their prophecies, or even committed nothing to writ
ing themselves. Partial collections of a prophet's
works may have been in circulation in his lifetime,
and after his death these would be united, and supple
mented by such recollections of their master's teach
ing as his disciples could supply. While the living
voice was still among them, less need would be felt
for a record of the prophet's teaching ; but when the
voice was silent, loving care would strive to preserve
some permanent memorial of his work.
The endeavour of criticism to discover the way in
which the prophetic books came into their present
form is not due to mere idle curiosity, nor is it a
fruitless expenditure of labour. All that can be
I ON INTERPRETATION 23
ascertained with more or less probability as to their
literary origin has an important bearing upon their
interpretation. While for our instruction and profit
we may be content to read the books in the form in
which they have come down to us, critical study
requires that at least an attempt should be made to
place a prophet's teaching in connexion with the
events of his time ; to arrange, if it may be, his
prophecies in approximate chronological order ; and
to mark, where it can be done, the progress and
development of his teaching in the successive periods
of his ministry. Much must to the end remain un
certain, but real advance has been made, and is being
made, towards the fuller understanding of the in
timate relation of the prophets to the times in which
they lived and worked.
LECTUKE II
THE ORIGIN OF THE OLD TESTAMENT — continued
avrdov ol KartKiirov ovo/xa roO £K8ii)yfi<ra.a'0a.i tiralvovs, KO]
&v OVK ZffTW iwrmbcrvvov. — EcCLESlASTiCUS xliv. 8, 9.
WHAT has been said thus far leads on to a graver
question, which has sometimes been viewed with
unreasonable dislike and suspicion. May there not
be included in the same book the writings of prophets
other than the one whose name it bears ? May not
the title represent (so to speak) a school rather than
an individual ? May not disciples have not only
preserved but continued and completed the work of
their master? The combination of the writings of
different prophets in the same volume may have
been accidental or intentional. It may have hap
pened accidentally through the combination of writ
ings to form a roll of a certain size, or it may have
been brought about intentionally, with the object of
supplementing or completing an existing work. This
may have been done without the slightest idea of
fraud or bad faith, or wish to give currency to a
prophecy by the authority of a great name. The
LECT. II THE BOOK OF ISAIAH 25
Divine message was regarded as something far greater
than the human messenger through whom it was
communicated : it threw his personality entirely into
the background. We know absolutely nothing of
some of the prophets. Joel, the son of Pethuel, is
a mere name to us. Of others, such as Amos, we
know nothing but what we learn from their own
writings. History does not mention them, even
though, like Micah, they may have played an im
portant part in the religious movements of their time.
The combination of the works of more than one
writer in the same volume cannot, in view of what
we have already learned as to the origin of some
books of the Old Testament, be regarded as impossible
or even improbable. But the evidence for it must in
the nature of things be wholly internal evidence. It
cannot, as we have seen, rise above probability, though
that probability may amount to practical certainty.
And it has to be balanced against the tradition, which,
whatever may be its meaning or value, has united
the writings in question together under one name.
The most important and most familiar case in
which modern critics have agreed to see the work of
a plurality of authors in one book is the book of
Isaiah. Not only the last twenty-seven chapters,
but considerable portions of the first thirty-nine chap
ters, are thought to show clear indications of an age
later than that of Isaiah the contemporary of Heze-
kiah, and of a writer or writers clearly distinguish
able from that prophet. With regard to the portions
26 DATE OF LECT.
of the first thirty -nine chapters which are thought
to he the work of some prophet other than Isaiah, I
do not wish to say anything now. But I propose to
lay before you, so far as it can be done in a brief
compass, some account of the grounds upon which
the last twenty- seven chapters are attributed to a
prophet — or, possibly, prophets, though for our present
purpose we need not enter upon that question — who
lived in Babylonia towards the close of the Baby
lonian exile ; for those grounds appear to me to be en
tirely convincing, and to offer one of the best examples
of the methods and results of biblical criticism.
Let it be remembered that the problem is to be
approached " with no a priori principles as to the
nature of prophecy or the capabilities of the pro
phetic gift." We will not say that prediction is
impossible, or necessarily limited to vague generali
ties. Let us then for the time forget that this
writing — or, rather, whether it is the work of one
writer or of several, this group of writings — is
attached to the book of Isaiah. Let us simply
interrogate the document itself, and collect the
evidence which it offers concerning its author, and
the time and place and circumstances of its writing.
Direct statement there is none. Very rarely does
the author let his own personality appear at all.
But of indirect evidence, indicating the circumstances
under which he wrote, there is no lack.
Jerusalem is in ruins ; the temple, in which past
generations worshipped, is a heap of ashes ; the cities
n ISAIAH XL.-LXVI. 27
of Judali are deserted; the land is desolate. Thy
holy cities are become a wilderness, Zion is become a
wilderness, Jerusalem a desolation. Our holy and
our beautiful house, where our fathers praised TJiee, is
burned with fire; and all our pleasant things are laid
waste (Is. Ixiv. 10, 11).
Israel is in exile, suffering the punishment of its
sins. Jehovah has surrendered His people to their
enemies. They are being tried in the furnace of
affliction. Jerusalem has drunk to the dregs the cup
of Jehovah's fury. She lies prostrate in the dust.
The chains of captivity are on the neck of the
daughter of Zion. The mother-city Zion is bereaved
of her children, a barren exile, wandering to and
fro. Her children are scattered from their home.
Jehovah's wife is divorced from Him for her chil
dren's transgressions, and they are sold into slavery
for their iniquities.
Babylon is the scene of Israel's captivity. Baby
lon is the tyrant who holds Zion's children in thrall.
Babylon has been Jehovah's instrument for execut
ing His judgments, and she has performed her task
with cruel delight.
The exile has already lasted long. It seems to
have become permanent. Jehovah sleeps. Zion
fancies herself forgotten and forsaken. The weary
decades of captivity are lengthening out into an
eternity of punishment.
But when faith and hope are strained to the point
of breaking, deliverance is at hand. Jerusalem's
28 THE EXILE LECT
time of servitude is accomplished ; satisfaction has been
made for her iniquity.
The decree has gone forth for freedom, redemption,
restoration. The deliverer is on his way. Cyrus
has been raised up from the East. He is already in
full career of conquest. Babylon is doomed. Her
gods are to be humbled. Jehovah is about to lead
forth His people in a second exodus which will eclipse
the glories of the first, and to conduct them through
the wilderness to their ancient home. Jerusalem
will be rebuilt and the temple restored.
Now what I want you to observe is this — and
pray do not take the statement on my authority, but
verify it for yourselves — that the prophecy does not
profess to predict the destruction of Jerusalem, the
Babylonian exile, and the mission of Cyrus. These
things are described or assumed as existing facts.
Jerusalem is destroyed, Israel is in exile, Cyrus is
already triumphantly advancing from point to point.
What is foretold is the speedy deliverance of the
exiles from their captivity. All these data point un
mistakably to the last ten years of the Babylonian
exile as the time at which the prophecy was delivered.
Moreover, there are indications, less definite
perhaps, but tolerably convincing, which point to
Babylonia as the place in which the prophet was
living. He speaks in the presence of a dominant
heathenism. Idolatry in all its grossness and stupid
folly surrounds him. He has watched the infatuated
idolaters manufacturing their gods, and carrying them
I! AN EXISTING FACT 29
in solemn procession, and setting them up in their
temples. With unrivalled eloquence, inspired by
mingled feelings of pity and indignation, he con
trasts the power and wisdom of Jehovah, the living
God, the God of Israel, with the impotence and
ignorance of these lifeless idols. The whole drift of
his description makes it plain that it is idolatry in
its own heathen home of which he is speaking, not
the idolatry of apostate Israelites in Judah. More
over the prophet is in closest touch and sympathy
with the exiles. He is fully acquainted with their
circumstances, their character, their sins, their hopes,
their fears, their faithlessness, their despondency;
and when we note how he unites himself with them
in confession, in thanksgiving, in earnest pleading,
we can scarcely doubt that he was himself one of
them.
It follows that if this prophecy was composed in
the last ten years of the exile, by a prophet who was
himself an exile, living among the exiles in Babylonia,
its author was not Isaiah the son of Amoz, the con
temporary of Hezekiah, whose life must have ended
more than a century before. This conclusion is
corroborated by the evidence of style and language
and theological ideas. These arguments time would
not allow me to adduce now, and this is the less to
be regretted because, although they form a very
strong confirmation of the conclusion drawn from
positive indications, they are not in themselves so
convincing, and cannot well be stated in a summary
30 TRADITION AND LECT
form without some discussion of possible answers
and qualifications.1
We have then to weigh the conclusion derived
from a study of the book itself against the tradition
of the Jewish Church, which ascribes this prophecy
to Isaiah. That tradition is undoubtedly very
ancient. The author of the book of Ecclesiasticus
regarded these prophecies as having been written by
Isaiah, who saw by an excellent spirit wliat should
come to pass at the last, and comforted them that
mourned in Sion (xlviii. 24) ; and his authorship
was not seriously questioned until modern times.
But we know nothing, except what we can gather
from the books themselves, of the circumstances
under which the writings of the prophets were
collected ; and if once the right of criticism to
confirm or dispute the statements of tradition on
the ground of internal evidence is admitted, I do
not see how we can resist the conclusion that these
chapters were not written by Isaiah, but by an
unknown prophet toward the close of the Babylonian
exile. This conclusion rests, let me repeat, upon
no " a priori arguments as to the impossibility of
prophecy," but upon a simple induction from the
contents of the book.
No doubt the problem is not quite so simple as
the broad general arguments here given in outline
seem to represent. For instance, there is a section of
1 An excellent statement of them will be found in Dr. Driver's
Isaiah, his Life and Times, pp. 192 ff.
n CRITICISM 31
the prophecy which appears to go back into pre-
exilic times, and speaks as though the Israel of the
kingdom were still existing. But I believe that the
prophet is borrowing the language of his predecessors
in order to describe the old sins for which Israel was
suffering in exile ; and he does so in order to
emphasise the truth of the continuity of national
life, and to show the people how the guilt of old sins,
which they had never disowned and repented of,
still clung about them.
There are, moreover, many resemblances of thought
and style between this book and the acknowledged
prophecies of Isaiah, and it may be hard to see how
the name of such an eminent prophet could have been
lost, or how his work came to be incorporated along
witli the prophecies of Isaiah. But the resemblances
are on the whole less than the differences ; they can
be accounted for by the Author's familiarity with
Isaiah's writings; he was a true disciple and
successor of Isaiah. In such a disciple Isaiah
himself lived on; where could a more fitting
place for his works be found than in the same
volume with those of his great master ? Here too,
as in other cases, the individuality of the prophet
who was charged with a Divine commission seemed
to be of comparatively little moment. The messenger
was lost sight of in the message ; nay, the more
divinely wonderful the message, the less it mattered
to posterity to know from whose lips or pen it came.
But you will say, what do we gain by separating
32 POSITIVE GAIN LBCT.
these prophecies from the time -honoured name of
Isaiah, and relegating them to the time of the exile ?
We should indeed be glad, as a German commentator
observes, to vindicate this most wonderful of Old
Testament prophecies for the greatest of the Old
Testament prophets, and to regard it as the crown of
Isaiah's work. And it will inevitably seem to many
students of the Bible that in assigning the prophecy
to a date so near to the events which it foretells we
are detracting from its truly predictive character,
and diminishing its value. But Isaiah is great
enough to share his glory with this disciple in whom
being dead he yet spoke; and, paradox as it may
seem, the truly prophetic character of the work gains
by being referred to the time of the exile. For while
it is conceivable that Isaiah might have been trans
ferred in spirit to a future age, and taking his stand
in the midst of tribulations which he foresaw were to
come have predicted the deliverance which was to
follow them, such a hypothesis is not in accordance
with the general economy of revelation. The more
carefully we study the Old Testament, the more
constantly are we impressed with what may be
called the circumstantial origin of prophecy, with the
fact that the teaching of one prophet after another
arose directly out of the circumstances of his own
time, and was providentially designed to meet the
needs of that time. Adaptation is a law of Divine
action in revelation as well as in nature. Here, on
the other hand, if the prophecy were Isaiah's, we
II FROM THE CRITICAL VIEW 33
should have an example of a prophecy entirely dis
connected from the events of the author's time, the
practical value of which would not have been felt for
at least a century after his death. And prediction,
though one of a prophet's credentials, was not the
whole, or even the most important part, of his work.
That such a prophet as the author of this work was
raised up at this unique crisis in Israel's history, is
surely even a greater proof of God's superintending
care and providence than the abstract prediction of
events a century and a half beforehand could have
been of His omniscience. If ever an age needed the
living voice of a prophet, it was this age of the
closing years of the exile ; and it was in this crisis, a
crisis not only in the history of Israel, but of the
history of the world's redemption, that (as criticism
tells us) God raised up a prophet second to none of
the older prophets save Isaiah himself, to comfort the
desponding spirits of the exiles, and to bring home to
them the conviction of the grandeur of Israel's
mission for the world, and the certainty that Jehovah,
who had chosen Israel to be His servant to
accomplish this mission, would assuredly fulfil His
purpose. If any prophecy bears the stamp of Divine
appropriateness it is this, and it is only when it is
brought into the closest connexion with the circum
stances of the closing years of the exile that it gains
life and reality, and that its full significance can be
appreciated.
34 COMPOSITE CHARACTER LEOT
When we turn to the third great division of the
Old Testament, the 'Writings' or Hagiographa, we
find similar indications in some of the books that
they have had a long literary history before they
reached their present form. Let us take first, as
the simplest and most readily intelligible example,
the book of Proverbs. In it external landmarks
coincide most remarkably with differences of in
ternal characteristics. The book bears the title :
The proverbs of Solomon, the son of David, king of
Israel; and we may believe that it does so with
justice, because Solomon was the originator of the
proverbial philosophy which is collected in it. But
directly we examine it, we see that it bears upon the
face of it the clear marks of being a composite work,
all the parts of which cannot be due to the same
author or the same period. The first nine chapters
contain a series of hortatory discourses; and these
are followed by the primary collection of 'Solo
monic' proverbs, properly so called (x. 1 — xxii.
16), which bears the special title (x. 1) : The proverbs
of Solomon. To this is appended a collection of
words of the wise (xxii. 17 — xxiv. 22), with a
further short supplement (xxiv. 23-34). Then comes
a second collection of ' Solomonic ' proverbs (xxv. —
xxix.), bearing the title, These also are proverbs of
Solomon which the men of Hezekiah king of Judah
copied out. The book concludes with certain say
ings of Agur (xxx.), and of Lemuel (xxxi. 1-9), and
an acrostic poem (xxxi. 10-31),
II OF THE BOOK OF PROVERBS 35
Now the three principal sections of the book
are distinguished by marked internal character
istics. The introductory discourses (i. — ix.) are not,
strictly speaking, proverbs at all, but a series of
short didactic poems or exhortations, the general
purport of which is to recommend wisdom in view
of the various dangers to which the young men
of the time were exposed. The proverbs contained
in the first collection (x. — xxii. 16) are all dis-
tichs, consisting of two lines only, and they are
mainly of the form called antithetic ; that is to say,
the truth stated in the first line is confirmed or
illustrated by the contrast of its opposite in the
second. In the second collection (xxv. — xxix.) there
are many proverbs of more than two lines, and they are
chiefly of the parabolic or emblematic form. Indeed,
proverbs of this kind are so common that the collec
tion has been compared to a picture scrap-book with
explanatory titles written underneath the pictures.
Here obviously are interesting problems for the
critic to solve. Is this remarkable difference of form
and character in the proverbs of the two collections
due to the taste of the collectors or to the object for
which the collections were made ? or is it due to a
difference in the age of the proverbs, the simpler
form being the older, the expanded and developed
form the later? Was the introduction a separate
work, or was it composed as a preface to one of the
collections, or to the whole book, after the collections
had been united? May we suppose that any con-
36 COMPOSITE CHARACTER LECT.
siderable part of the proverbs in these collections
proceeded from Solomon himself, or are there in
ternal characteristics inconsistent with such a view ?
These are questions which I can' only throw out, and
cannot stop to answer. I will only say now, that as
there are remarkable differences between the form of
the proverbs in the first collection and that of the
proverbs in the second collection, there are also
remarkable differences in the condition of affairs
and the historical situation which they reflect. The
proverbs of the first collection belong to a time when
men knew the kingdom from its best side ; those
of the second collection contain, references to the
miserable condition of the people, due to the oppress
ive behaviour of the nobles and the evil effects of
misgovernment, which clearly reflect the disastrous
experiences of a reign like that of Ahaz. On these
and other grounds we are led to the conclusion that
much of the book must belong to a later age than
Solomon's, and must reflect the history not of one
age, but of many, and the thought not of a single
individual, but of many generations.
From the book of Proverbs we turn to the
Psalter ; and here too we find plain proof that the
book has had a long literary history. As the
Proverbs of Solomon derived their title from the
sage who we may believe founded the school of
proverbial wisdom in Israel, so the Psalter derived
its popular name from the poet who, in spite of
recent criticism, I must still believe was the founder
rr OF THE PSALTER 37
of the sacred poetry of Israel and of the Catholic
Church. It is true that the Psalms are not in the
Old Testament called as a whole the Psalms of
David, yet already in New Testament times the
whole collection appears to have been called by his
name, and he was popularly regarded as the author of
it.1 This is instructive, for not only is no claim made
in the Psalter itself for the Davidic authorship of all
the Psalms, but it is obvious from their contents that
many of them could not have been written by him.
The book of Psalms is a subject which might
well have a whole course of lectures to itself; and
all I wish to do now is to indicate one or two points
in which it illustrates the general idea which I am
trying to put before you, that the books of the Old
Testament have grown to their present form by pro
cesses of editing and compilation and collection
going on through long periods. First, then, with
reference to the origin of particular Psalms, I
should like you to note how Psalms were revised
and adapted and combined by later poets or editors.
We have positive evidence of this. The Eighteenth
Psalm is found in the second book of Samuel as well
as in the Psalter ; and there are numerous variations
between the two copies. Some of them are mani
festly due to the mistakes of scribes in copying ; but
others are plainly due to deliberate revision of the
text. The Fourteenth Psalm, again, recurs as the
Fifty-third, and here again there are some remark -
1 Cf. Heb. iv. 7.
38 THE DIVISIONS LBCT,
able variations ; and it seems to me to be the
most probable explanation, that the conclusion of
the Psalm was altered by some poet or editor who
wished to adapt it to the circumstances of his own
time, by introducing an allusion to a special event,
not improbably the destruction of Sennacherib. We
know how in the present day the compilers of
hymnals have in some cases altered and added to
the hymns even of living poets. Once again, the One
hundredth and eighth Psalm is simply a combination
of portions of the Fifty-seventh and Sixtieth Psalms.
Now when we find these instances actually before
our eyes, we are justified in assuming, if critical con
siderations require it, that other Psalms owe their
present form to revision and adaptation and com
bination, and we need not be shocked if comment
ators take such a view, and regard the Nineteenth
Psalm, for example, or the Twenty-seventh, as com
binations of poems by different authors.
With reference to the origin of the Psalter as a
whole, I need only point to what is probably familiar
to you all, that there are three main divisions in the
Psalter. First, there is the 'Davidic' collection,
Ps. i. — xli., all the Psalms in which except three
bear the name of David. Secondly, there is the
'Elohistic' collection, so called because EloTiim, i.e.
God, is used in it in the place and almost to the
exclusion of the name Jehovah. This collection
extends from Ps. xli. to Ps. Ixxxiii., and Ps. Ixxxiv. —
Ixxxix. form an appendix to it and may be classed
II OF THE PSALTER 39
along with it, although they are not marked by the
peculiar use of Elohim. This collection has itself
been formed by the union of smaller collections
of Psalms bearing the names of the Sons of Korah,
of Asaph, and of David, and its Elohistic character
is due, I believe, to the hand of an editor. In the
third division, Ps. xc. — cl., most of the Psalms are
anonymous, but a few bear the name of David.
It is an interesting problem, and one which is
worth, while examining for a moment here, for the
sake of the side-light which it may throw upon the
composite authorship of prophetic books, how far the
titles which ascribe Psalms to David can be regarded
as trustworthy. Most critics agree that many of the
Psalms which bear his name cannot have been written
by him. Many Psalms ascribed to him assume situa
tions and circumstances wholly unlike any in which
he can be supposed to have been placed, and contain
expressions which he can hardly have employed;
the language of some, e.g. cxxxix., is unquestionably
late; others, e.g. Ixxxvi., are mere compilations.
While, then, a certain relative weight may be assigned
to the title A Psalm of David, its probability must
in each case be tested by the internal evidence of the
contents of the Psalm.
But how did these titles come to be prefixed to
the Psalms ? All the Psalms in the first book (with
the exception of the first two, which are prefatory,
and Ps. xxxiii.) bear the name of David; and it is
not unlikely that they were taken from a collec-
40 PSALMS OF DAVID LECT.
tion which bore some such name as The Psalms
of David, or perhaps, The Prayers of David (Ps.
Ixxii. 20) ; not that all the poems in the collec
tion were written by David, but because he was
the original founder of it, and the most famous
contributor to it. We commonly speak of Newman's
Lyra Apostolica. though five other writers beside
Newman contributed to it. Then when the Psalms
of this collection were taken over into the Psalter,
the name of David was placed at the head of each
Psalm taken from it. With regard to the Psalms in
the later books which bear the name of David, it is
possible that some of them may be authentic pro
ductions of his, which had not found a place in the
earlier collection. But it is also possible that imi
tations of Davidic Psalms may have been called by
his name without the slightest intention of fraud ;
or again, that Psalms may have been written by
other poets to illustrate particular episodes in his
life, or to express the thoughts which might be sup
posed to have been in his mind on certain occasions ;
and these again may easily have had his name affixed
to them, without any idea of passing them off as his
for the sake of giving them currency and authority.
Delitzsch observes1 that it was characteristic of the
spirit and custom of ancient historians and poets,
and especially those of the Bible, to live themselves
into the modes of thought and expression of great
men, and by imitating their thoughts and feelings,
1 Genesis, p. 30.
il THE PENTATEUCH 41
make themselves their organs. Much doubt rests,
and must necessarily reft, upon the authorship of
most of the Psalms, and even the age to which a
particular Psalm is to be attributed may be quite
uncertain; but I cannot but think that it is an
extreme and passing phase of criticism which would
deny the existence of Davidic Psalms entirely, and
relegate all the Psalms, with perhaps one or two excep
tions, to the post-exilic or even the Maccabaean age.3
We come now to the Pentateuch, or to use the
language of modern criticism, which on literary
grounds connects the book of Joshua with the five
preceding books, the Hexateuch. I have reserved
this to the last, because it seemed to me that we
might most advantageously approach the question of
its origin by a consideration of the somewhat simpler
and less controverted questions of the origin of the
Historical, Prophetical, and Poetical Books. For,
somehow or other, the critical analysis of the Hexa
teuch has been viewed in this country with more sus
picion and disfavour than critical inquiries into the
origin and composition of the other books of the Old
Testament. If, however, you have followed me thus
far, you will be prepared to regard it as at least not
antecedently improbable that the Hexateuch, like so
many of the other books, is composite in its origin, and
has a long literary history. Modern criticism claims,
and claims with justice, to have proved that it is so,
1 See Note B.
42 THE PENTATEUCH DOES NOT CLAIM LECT
First let us clear the ground by interrogating
the books themselves, anil inquiring what they
have to say about their own authorship. The Pen
tateuch nowhere claims to have been written by
Moses. That it was entirely written by Moses, with
the exception of the account of his death and burial
in the concluding verses of Deuteronomy, which was
added by Joshua (though according to some author
ities even these verses were written by Moses him
self), is simply a Jewish tradition which passed into
the Christian Church and was commonly accepted
until modern times. The tradition of the Mosaic
authorship was already well established in New
Testament times ; but as we have already remarked,
the adoption in the New Testament of popular and
current nomenclature cannot foreclose investigation
in literary any more than in scientific questions.
What, then, has the Pentateuch itself to say about
its author ? Time forbids me to go into the question in
detail, but the facts are briefly these. Genesis contains
no statement whatever about its author. In the three
middle books of the Pentateucli Moses is said to
have been directed to commit to writing accounts of
certain events, and to have recorded certain laws and
other matters ; but these statements refer to compara
tively small portions of the whole work. They
include the curse upon Amalek (Ex. xvii. 14) ; the
book of the covenant (Ex. xx. — xxiii. ; see Ex. xxiv.
4-7) ; the short code of laws which is given in
connexion with the restoration of the broken Tables
II TO HAVE BEEN WRITTEN BY MOSES 43
of the Law (Ex. xxxiv. 10-26 ; see Ex. xxxiv. 27,
28) ; and the list of the stations in the journey of
the Israelites through the wilderness (Num. xxxiii. 2).
Besides these references to documents written by
Moses, there is an interesting mention in Num.
xxi. 14 f. of the look of the wars of Jehovah, from
which the very ancient fragments of poetry quoted
in that chapter were probably taken.
In Deuteronomy, on the other hand, there are
statements which at first sight may seem to attribute
the writing of the whole Pentateuch to Moses. A
closer examination, however, shows that they cannot
refer even to the whole of Deuteronomy. It is said
that he wrote the words of this law in a look (xxxi.
24; cf. vv. 9, 26), but exactly similar language is
used when it is evident that the reference cannot
be to the whole law, or even to the whole of
Deuteronomy. It is plain, for example, that the
command to write all the words of this law upon the
stones which were to be set up on Mount Ebal
(xxvii. 3) can only refer to a nucleus of the law,
perhaps no more than the Ten Commandments. It
is also said that Moses wrote his song (xxxi. 19, 22).
So far as the Pentateuch itself is concerned, we
may safely come to the conclusion that it makes no
claim to have been written by Moses, and that we
are free to examine what indirect evidence as to its
origin can be derived from the books themselves.
And it may be taken as the accepted result of such
an examination, that the Pentateuch is a composite
44 COMPONENT ELEMENTS LECT,
work, which has grown into its present form by the
combination of a plurality of documents.
The principal grounds upon which the composite
origin of the Pentateuch is maintained are briefly
the following : (1) Different parts of it are distin
guished by the use of the different Divine names,
Elohim and Jehovah. (2) It contains duplicate
accounts of the same events, sometimes placed side
by side, as the two accounts of creation ; and some
times fused into one narrative, as the two accounts
of the Flood. (3) The portions thus marked by the
use of the Divine names, or standing as duplicate
narratives of the same events, are found to be further
distinguished by peculiarities of language and con
ception. (4) Inconsistencies and contradictions are
to be observed, which can scarcely be reconciled with
any theory of unity of authorship.
A vast amount of labour and ingenuity has been
spent upon the critical analysis of the Hexateuch,
with the result that there is a very general consensus
that four principal documents have been combined
to form the Hexateuch as it now stands. (1) There
is the document which forms the basis of the whole,
and is therefore often spoken of as the " foundation
document " (Grundschrift). It is also often called
the Priests' Code, because the ceremonial legislation
in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers formed the chief
part of it. It began with the account of creation in
Gen. i. — ii. 3, and contained an outline of the patri
archal history. To it belongs in the main the de-
ii OF THE PENTATEUCH 45
scription of the distribution of the land in Joshua
xiii. — xxi. In this document the name Elohim (God)
is used in the primitive period before Abraham. In
the patriarchal age the name EL Shaddai (God
Almighty) appears. From Ex. vi. onward Jehovah
is employed. (2) and (3) Two parallel narratives of
the patriarchal and early history of Israel, one
marked by the use of the name Jehovah, the other
by the use of the name Eloliim. These were com
bined at an early date by a compiler who took such
extracts from each as suited his purpose, and the
result may be termed the 'prophetical narrative.'
It contained legislative matter, both civil and reli
gious, e.g. Ex. xx. — xxiii., as well as history ; but it is
of a simple and elementary kind. (4) Deuteronomy.
The difference of style between these different
elements is well marked. " The priestly narrative,"
says Professor Driver, " is characterised by a system
atic arrangement of material ; great attention is paid
in it to chronological, genealogical, and other statis
tical data ; it is minute and circumstantial, even in
its aim to attain precision not avoiding repetitions ;
it abounds in stereotyped phrases and formulae. The
prophetical narrative is free and flowing, it details
scenes and conversations with great force and vivid
ness ; the style is much more varied, and its repre
sentations of the Deity are far more anthropomorphic
than those of the priestly document." . . , "The
characteristic feature in Deuteronomy is its parenetic
treatment of the laws, and the stress which it lays
46 DATE OF LECT
upon the moral and spiritual motives which should
prompt the Israelite to the observance of them." l
These documents themselves had a literary history
before they were welded together in our present
Hexateuch. They were composed out of existing
elements, partly oral and partly documentary.
Critics are fairly unanimous in distinguishing
these different sources, but they are not so unani
mous as to their chronological order and actual dates.
For a long time it was supposed that the ' primary
document' or 'priestly code' to which belongs the
ceremonial legislation was the oldest document, and
Deuteronomy the latest; but the theory which is
now most in favour regards the ' prophetic narrative/
with its simple legislation, as the oldest, Deuteronomy
as an intermediate stage, and the ' priestly code ' as
a later codification of the developed ceremonial
law. It would carry us far beyond our present
limits of time, and indeed beyond the strict limits of
our subject, to discuss the relation of these docu
ments to one another and to the other books of the
Old Testament. What I have wished to make
clear to you is simply this, that the compilation of
the Hexateuch from pre-existing sources must be
accepted as one of the certain results of critical
inquiry. For the rest, I must content myself with
quoting the words of Delitzsch.2 " Such a distinc
tion of sources naturally involves temporal succes
sion . . . but though in more exactly determining
1 Contemporary Review, Feb. 1890. 2 Genesis, p. 18.
II THE DOCUMENTS 47
the dates of the various elements we may have to
come down to times far later than the Mosaic age,
this does not exclude the possibility that the narra
tive rests on tradition, and the codified law springs
from Mosaic roots." Similarly with reference to
Deuteronomy he says : " We assume for these testa
mentary discourses a traditional substratum, which
the free reproduction follows. . . . The author of
Deuteronomy has completely appropriated the
thoughts and language of Moses, and from a genuine
oneness of mind with him reproduces them in the
highest intensity of Divine inspiration."
There is one point connected with the origin of the
Pentateuch so remarkable that I cannot refrain from
briefly noticing it. The decipherment of the cuneiform
tablets brought from Assyria has revealed the start
ling fact that the ancient Babylonians possessed
accounts of the Creation and the Flood, and according
to the most recent discoveries, of the Fall also — but
on this point I am told by one who has a good right
to speak that we must still reserve judgment — so
closely resembling those of Genesis, that it is
impossible to suppose that they are independent one
of another. When and how did these narratives
come from Babylonia to Palestine? Some critics
have attempted to maintain that the Hebrews only
became acquainted with the Babylonian legends
during the exile. Such a theory is in itself so
intrinsically improbable that it would require to be
supported by the very strongest proof. Is it likely
48 PRIMITIVE TRADITIONS LECT
that the Israelites in exile would have adopted the
traditions of their oppressors, and even placed them
in the forefront of the Law ? Did the nation whose
earliest prophets insisted with such eloquence upon
the creative omnipotence of Jehovah, possess no
account of creation until the exile ? But apart from
this, it is pointed out by Schrader, one of the fore
most students of these inscriptions, that it is the
Jehovistic document which most resembles the
Babylonian legends, and this document is acknow
ledged on all hands to be much earlier than the
exile. By far the most probable way of accounting
for the resemblance is to suppose that the Hebrews
brought these primitive legends with them when
they migrated from Ur of the Chaldees. Of the
significant difference between the Babylonian narra
tives and those of Genesis I shall have occasion to
speak in my fourth lecture. Now I will only add
that if this view is the true one, there are elements
in the Hexateuch of vast antiquity, coming down
from the twilight ages of the childhood of the world
before the call of Abraham. The documents which
can be traced in the Hexateuch already had a
literary history and embodied the traditions of many
generations before they reached the form in which
they were found by the redactor who united them
into the present structure.
I have dealt in these first two lectures with the
outward form of some of the books of the Old Testa- ^
ii THE DUTY OF CRITICISM 49
ment. I have endeavoured to give some idea of the
literary processes by which they were brought into
their present shape. I am aware that such dealing
with Holy Scripture seems to some devout lovers of
the Bible unprofitable if not irreverent, unspiritual
if not profane. Unquestionably our highest con
cern is not with the outward form, but with the
life which animates that form ; not with the letter,
but with the spirit which is breathed into all these
manifold documents, giving them a common unity,
and stamping them all as parts of one Divine plan
and purpose. Yet it is the duty not less than the
right of the Christian student to investigate by every
means in his power the origin of those books which
he holds to be the title-deeds of his faith. He must
not be deterred by the fact that such researches have
often been carried on in a spirit the very reverse of
reverent, and with the aim rather of discrediting the
Bible than of discovering the truth regarding its
origin with a view to its better interpretation. He
must work with an open mind and a good courage,
neither hastily accepting what is new nor obstinately
clinging to what is old ; not anxiously inquiring how
much of old traditional views may be retained and
how little conceded in the direction of change, but
patiently and impartially endeavouring to ascertain,
so far as it is possible to ascertain, the exact facts of
the case. If the critical study of the Bible is pur
sued in this spirit, " every result which can be surely
established will teach us something of the manner
E
50 THE USE OF CRITICISM LEOT. n
of God's working, and of the manner in which He
provides for our knowledge of it." l But criticism,
it must always be remembered, is not an end in itself,
but a means, — a means towards the better understand
ing for ourselves and our times of the one Divine
message communicated to man in many parts and
in many fashions.
1 Bishop Westcott, Hebrews, p. 493.
LECTUKE III
THE PRESERVATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
KaOus Traptdoo-av rjfuv.—ST. LUKE i. 2.
FROM the consideration of the origin of the Old
Testament we pass to the history of its preservation.
What is known of the way in which the text of the
Old Testament has been handed down through all
the centuries which have elapsed since even the
latest book in it was written ? Through what vicis
situdes has it passed in that long history ? Can we
believe that the existing Hebrew text faithfully
represents the original archetypes, or must we admit
that it has suffered corruption and alteration in the
process of transmission ? If the admission must be
made, what is the extent of the corruption, and what
means, if any, have we for restoring the true text ?
The subject is no doubt a somewhat technical one,
and it is in many respects extremely obscure ; but it
seems to me that the broad general outline which is all
that can be given here may not be without interest,
and certainly is of importance in its bearing on
the results arrived at in the preceding lectures. We
52 THE OLD TESTAMENT NOT EXEMPTED LECT.
have seen that many of the books of the Old Testa
ment are the result of literary processes, in some cases
of long and complicated literary processes. It pleased
God to communicate His revelation of Himself to
man through men, and it did not please Him to
exempt the records of that revelation from the
literary and historical methods of the age and the
country. Those records were placed in men's hands
to transmit to posterity, and we shall now see that
it did not please Him to exempt them from the
vicissitudes to which other monuments of ancient
literature have been subject in the course of their
transmission from age to age. In the preservation
as well as in the origin of the Scriptures there has
been a large human element, larger than was at one
time supposed ; and while we reverently acknow
ledge the Divine origin of those Scriptures, and
gratefully recognise the providential care which has
watched over their preservation, we must not exag
gerate inspiration into verbal infallibility, or pro
vidential guardianship into absolute protection from
error. It is necessary to emphasise this point, be
cause extraordinary misconceptions have been, and
in some quarters still are, prevalent with regard to
the Hebrew text of the Old Testament. It is still not
uncommonly supposed that from the earliest times
it was copied with the scrupulous accuracy which
characterised the scribes of a later age ; but as we
shall presently see, this cannot have been the case.
In the Old Testament as well as in the New textual
ill FROM ERROR IN TRANSMISSION 53
criticism is the indispensable preliminary and hand
maid to the work of interpretation. The student must
endeavour to ascertain what is the original text of
the passage which he has to explain ; to eliminate, if
possible, errors which have crept in through the care
lessness or ignorance of scribes ; to confess, it may
be, that the extant evidence no longer enables him to
determine the original text with certainty.
The student of the text of the Old Testament has
to work under entirely different conditions from
those which present themselves to the student of the
text of the New Testament. The MSS. of the
Hebrew text of the Old Testament differ most widely
in relative age and actual character from the MSS.
of the Greek text of the New Testament. There
are numerous Greek MSS. of the New Testament
in existence. Most of them are comparatively
modern ; but several are earlier than the ninth
century ; one almost complete MS., the Codex Alex-
andrinus, the great treasure of the British Museum,
dates from the fifth century; and two, the Codex
Vaticanus in the Vatican Library at Eome and the
Codex Sinaiticus in the Imperial Library at St.
Petersburg, were written in the fourth century.
These MSS. by no means all agree ; and it is a
laborious and difficult task to compare their various
readings, and determine how we may most nearly
arrive at the original words used by Evangelists and
Apostles. The evidence of these MSS. is checked
and corroborated by the existence of versions made
54 AGE AND CHARACTER LEOT
in the second and third centuries, as well as by
numerous quotations in the works of the early
Fathers ; and it is the deliberate judgment of the
greatest textual critics that " the books of the New
Testament, as preserved in extant documents, as
suredly speak to us in every important respect in
language identical with that in which they spoke to
those for whom they were originally written."1
Of the Old Testament there are also numerous
Hebrew MSS. in existence. But the majority of
them are later than the twelfth century, and the
oldest of which the date is known was written in
916 A.D. That is to say, while we possess Greek MSS.
of the New Testament written little more than two
centuries and a half after the date of the earliest of
the books which they contain, our oldest Hebrew
MS. of the Old Testament is separated by more than
a thousand years from the latest of the books in
cluded in the Canon.
But this is not all. Unlike the Greek MSS. of the
New Testament, the Hebrew MSS. of the Old Testa
ment all agree in giving substantially the same text,
which is commonly called for reasons which will be
explained presently (pp. 69 if.) the Massoretic Text.
They contain no various readings of real importance.
The variations between them are, to speak quite
roughly, less than the variations between the different
editions of the Authorised Version from 1611 onwards.
This uniformity might be due to one of two causes :
1 Westcott-Hort, The New Testament in Greek, ii. 254.
Ill OF HEBREW MSS. 55
either to the accurate transmission of the text from
the very first, or to the adoption, at some time or
other, of a standard text, which was universally
accepted, to the exclusion of all variations, and has
been preserved without alteration since. In this
case the text may of course contain errors more or
less numerous which already existed in the MS. or
MSS. from which it was taken. I will anticipate
somewhat by saying at once that the evidence is
conclusive in favour of the second hypothesis. The
history of the text goes to show that an official or
received text was settled by the Jewish scribes soon
after the destruction of Jerusalem. When once this
standard had been determined and accepted at the
great centres of Jewish learning, MSS. differing from
it would be condemned and fall out of use, or be
deliberately destroyed. In this way the disappear
ance of all MSS. presenting a different form of text
may be easily accounted for.
The entire disappearance of ancient MSS. may
also partly be due to the Jewish practice of destroy
ing, from motives of reverence, old and worn-out
copies of the Scriptures. Attached to each synagogue
was a chamber called the Geniza, in which torn and
mutilated copies of the Scriptures were deposited in
order that they might not be profaned by being
applied to common uses. From time to time the
Geniza was cleared out and its contents buried. At
one time it was customary to bury a worn-out copy
of the Law by the side of a scholar.
56 ANCIENT HEBREW LECT
We need hardly take into account causes so remote
as the destruction of the Scriptures in the persecution
of Antiochus Epiphanes, when the mere possession of
a copy of the Law was a capital offence (1 Mace. i.
54-58). But similar wholesale destructions of the
Scriptures have probably taken place since. In the
Diocletian persecution the Christian Scriptures were
made the object of special attack ; and multitudes of
copies of the Old Testament have perished by violence
in the numerous persecutions and frequent exiles of
the Jews.
The existing Hebrew MSS. of the Old Testament
are of two classes. (1) MSS. for synagogue use,
written on parchment or leather, in the form of rolls.
They contain (in separate rolls) the Law, the HapJi-
tarotli or Lessons from the Prophets, and the five
Megilloth or Eolls (Song of Songs, Euth, Lamentations,
Ecclesiastes, Esther), which are appointed for use on
certain days. These MSS. always contain the ' un
pointed ' or consonantal text (p. 5*7) only. They are
written with extreme care. The traditional rule given
in the Talmud was that a copy of the Law with two
errors on a page might be corrected, but if it had
three, it must be put in the Geniza. The scholar Ben
Chayim asks, Is not the scroll of the Law in which
one letter is omitted illegal ? (2) JVCSSLfor ^private
use, written in book-form on parchment, leather, or
paper. They contain the ' pointed ' or vocalised
text (p. 57), with more or less of the Massoretic
critical apparatus (p. 72), and sometimes Eabbinic
in WRITTEN WITHOUT VOWELS 57
commentaries in addition. Such a MS. would
generally be prepared by several scribes. One would
write the consonantal text, another would add the
vowels and accents, another the Massora, another the
commentaries, another would correct it, and so forth.
They are somewhat less accurate than the synagogue
rolls, but nevertheless were often prepared with
extreme care.
Here I must make a brief digression in order to
explain the terms ' pointed ' and ' unpointed ' text.
Hebrew, like other Semitic languages, was originally
written with consonants only. A few long vowels
were indicated by certain consonants, but in the most
ancient times, as we know from inscriptions, even
these were very sparingly employed. The reader had
therefore to supply the vowels necessary for pro
nunciation, and this might obviously be done in
different ways. For example, the same consonants
KTB might be read to mean, he wrote, writing,
written, write thou, to write, a writing. Of course in
most cases the context would decide at once how a
word was to be pronounced, but sometimes consider
able ambiguity might exist, which could only be
obviated by a traditional system of reading orally
handed down and carefully committed to memory.
The inconveniences of such a system of writing
are obvious ; and it is not to be wondered at that
the Jews at length invented vowel marks or ' points '
which could be added to the consonants to indicate
the exact pronunciation. A MS. or printed Bible
58 THE ARCHAIC LECT
containing these marks is said to be pointed, and one
not containing them is said to be unpointed.
I will now proceed to give a brief sketch of the
history of the text of the Old Testament. Many
points in that history are involved in great obscurity,
and it is only possible to give approximate dates.
Still certain periods can be marked out, each of which
is distinguished by some important fact ; and the
sketch, rough as it must necessarily be, may enable
you to understand something of the vicissitudes
through which the text has passed. For our present
purpose the history of the text may conveniently be
divided into four periods.
(I.) The pre-canonical period before the time of
Ezra.
This period belongs almost as much to the history
of the origin of the Old Testament as to the history
of its transmission. We have seen indications that
the scribes allowed themselves considerable freedom
in dealing with the books which they copied, while
the Scriptures were still in the process of growth. In
this period books were written on skins or linen, or
possibly on paper, which was used in Egypt at a
very early date. They seem to have been generally
in the form of rolls.1
But the most important fact to remember with
reference to this period is that the character em
ployed was the old Hebrew character, which was in
1 Ps. xl. 7 ; Jer. xxxvi. 14 ff. ; Ezek. ii. 9 ; Zech. v. 1 ; Ezra vi
2. The ' ' leaves " in Jer. xxxvi. 23 mean columns.
HI HEBREW ALPHABET 59
general use in Phoenicia, Palestine, and Moab. Our
oldest monument in that character is the famous
Moabite stone, which records the exploits of King
Mesha, about 850 B.C. This stone was discovered
in 1869 at DhMn, the ancient Dibon. Unfortun
ately it was broken up by the Arabs, but the greater
part of it was secured, and is now in the Museum of
the Louvre at Paris. The same character is found
in the inscription recording the construction of the
tunnel connecting the Virgin's Spring with the Pool
of Siloam, which is certainly not later than the time
of Hezekiah, and may possibly be earlier. It is
found on seals and gems assigned to dates from the
eighth century B.C. onwards. It is used on coins of
the Maccabaean period (141 — 135 B.C.), and even as
late as the rebellion of Bar-cochab (132—135 A.D.)
It is still retained in a somewhat modified form by
the Samaritans. In this period of course writing
was consonantal only, and the use of consonants
to represent long vowels (p. 57) infrequent and
irregular.
It is scarcely probable that the text escaped cor
ruption and alteration during this period. The form
of the archaic characters was irregular, and they
were peculiarly liable to confusion ; and while as yet
the canonical books were not separated off from
other books, it is scarcely probable that they would
be copied with precise accuracy. Many of the varia
tions between parallel texts probably arose in this
period.
60 INTRODUCTION OF LECT
(II.) The second period reaches from the time of
Ezra to the Fall of Jerusalem (450 B.C. — 70 A.D.)
The first great work of this period was the de
termination of the Canon of the Old Testament.
This was a gradual process. We have seen (p. 5)
that the prologue to Ecclesiasticus speaks of " the Law,
the Prophets, and the rest of the books," as already
forming a definite and well-known class of writings
in a way which corresponds to the idea of a Canon,
and distinguishes them from secondary books such
as Ecclesiasticus. No doubt the Canon of the Old
Testament was fixed substantially as we receive it
before our Lord's time ; though the canonicity of the
Song of Songs and Ecclesiastes was challenged upon
internal grounds, and the doubts respecting these
books were not authoritatively settled until the
Synods of Jamnia, 90 and 118 A.D.
The second important fact of this period was the
adoption of the ' square ' character now in use in
place of the archaic character. Jewish tradition,
followed by Origen and Jerome, attributes the change
to Ezra. But there is always a tendency to connect
important changes with great names, and it is more
probable that no formal transcription of the Scriptures
from one character into the other took place, but that
just as the Aramaic language gradually superseded
Hebrew after the captivity, so the square character,
which appears to have been of Aramaic origin, gradu
ally superseded the older character. The tradition
may be based on the fact that the square character
in THE SQUARE CHARACTER 61
was introduced by Ezra, but the evidence of coins
and inscriptions proves that the two forms of writing
co-existed side by side for a considerable time. But
by our Lord's time the character in ordinary use was
the square character. This is plain from the refer
ence to yod as the smallest letter in Matt. v. 18,
" One jot . . . shall in no wise pass away from the
law," for yod is the smallest character in the square,
but by no means the smallest in the archaic alphabet.
As, however, the older character was still employed
on coins, it cannot have been wholly unintelligible.
With this change from one character to another
we may compare the substitution of cursive for uncial
writing in Greek MSS., and the superseding of black-
letter by Eornan type in our own language. But the
change in Hebrew was more abrupt, and we can
scarcely be wrong in supposing that not a few errors
crept into the text during the process.
What was the state of the text during this period ?
Is there any evidence to show that there was a fixed
and uniform " received text," or on the contrary that
various forms of text were current in the Jewish
Church, and that no stress was as yet laid upon a
precise verbal uniformity of copies ? There is evi
dence, and it points clearly to the latter conclusion.
(1) The Samaritans have preserved the Pentateuch
independently of the orthodox Jews, in a character
not differing materially from the archaic Hebrew
character. This Samaritan Pentateuch contains read
ings which do not agree with the existing Hebrew
62 DETERMINATION OF LECT.
text. Some of them are, beyond question, alterations
introduced to give support to the Samaritan schism,
e.g. the substitution of Gerizim for Ebal in Deut.
xxvii. 4; but a number remain of which the most
natural explanation is that they existed in the copy
originally received by the Samaritans.
(2) More important, however, is the evidence of
the Greek version, known as the Septuagint (LXX.),
made in Egypt in the third and second centuries B.C.
for the use of the numerous body of Greek-speaking
Jews and proselytes in that country. That version
differs very considerably from the present Hebrew
text. Thus, for example, in Samuel there are con
siderable omissions ; in Kings and in Proverbs there
are considerable additions ; the prophecies of Jere
miah are arranged in a different order. Some of the
variations of the LXX. from the Hebrew text are due,
no doubt, to errors and interpolations and deliberate
alterations; but after all allowance has been made
for these, I do not see how any candid critic can
resist the conclusion that many of them represent
variations existing in the Hebrew text from which
the translation was made. Whether the readings
which the LXX. offers are superior to those of the
Massoretic Text is another question, which will have
to be considered presently. What we have to observe
here is that the LXX. gives positive evidence that
different recensions of the Hebrew text existed in
this period.
The Massoretic Text may be regarded as repre-
HI A STANDARD TEXT 63
senting the text current in Palestine, while the LXX.
represents that in use in Egypt. But the Egyptian
Jews were desirous of maintaining their connexion
with their brethren in Palestine, and we can hardly
suppose that they would have differed from them on
such a crucial point as the text of the Scriptures, if
the same importance had been attached to a rigid
uniformity of text as was done by the scribes of a
later age.
(III.) The third period in the history of the text
extends from the Fall of Jerusalem to the end of the
fifth century, when the great storehouse of Jewish
learning, known as the Talmud, was completed and
committed to writing. It was probably at the very
beginning of this period, towards the close of the
first century A.D., that the final settlement of an
authoritative text took place. When Judaism was
reconstructed after the destruction of Jerusalem, a
spirit of stern dogmatism was dominant. The literal
ism of scholars like Eabbi Aqiba, who spent twenty-
two years with his teacher in studying the meaning
of the common particles, prevailed. The Scriptures
were appealed to for dogmatic purposes, and it be
came necessary to fix authoritatively the ipsissima
verba of the standards of religion.
It is possible that this was done in the schools of
Jamnia, to which the most learned rabbis fled after
the Fall of Jerusalem. But be that as it may, it is
clear that the text was definitely settled early in this
period. Three Greek versions were made in the
64 DISAPPEARANCE OF LEGT
second century ; one by Aquila, who is said to have
been a pupil of Rabbi Aqiba, in the time of Hadrian,
117 — 138 A.D. ; another by Theodotion ; and a third
by Symmachus, a little later. Of these versions
considerable fragments are preserved, which for the
most part agree closely with the present Hebrew
text. We have further evidence from Origen in the
third century (185 — 255 A.D.) and Jerome in the fourth
(331 — 420 A.D.), as well as from the Targums, or trans
lations into the vernacular Aramaic, which were com
pleted in these centuries, showing that varieties of
text were disappearing, and a form of text agreeing
almost exactly with the Massoretic Text was coming
into universal currency. The Talmud regards the
text as absolutely fixed.
The evidence, then, is fairly conclusive that a
standard text not differing materially from our pre
sent text came into general use in this period. But
how was this uniformity attained, and how came it
that all the copies containing other readings have
disappeared ? A bold conjecture has been advanced
that all our Hebrew MSS. are derived from a single
copy which survived at the destruction of B ether,
when the rebellion of Bar-cochab was suppressed by
Hadrian (135 A.D.) Hence their uniformity. But
there is no need to have recourse to such a violent
hypothesis. When once the religious authorities of
the nation had determined what was to be the
standard text, that and that only would be per
petuated by the scribes. Copies differing from it
in DIVERGENT FORMS OF TEXT 65
would die out or be deliberately destroyed. The
practice of destroying worn-out or inaccurate MSS.
(pp. 55, 56) accounts for the disappearance of all such
copies, and it will be remembered that we have no
MS. or even fragment of a MS. of this period of any
kind whatsoever surviving.
There are two remarkable parallels to the uni
formity of the text of the Old Testament in the
Koran and the Vedas. In the case of the Koran
uniformity was secured by the Caliph Othman, who
destroyed all the copies which diverged from the
standard text which he had adopted. In the case
of the Vedas, a diligent school of grammarians in
the fifth century B.C. occupied themselves in settling
a standard text which has been preserved without
variation ever since.
Traces of the minute labours of the scribes of this
period are found (1) in what are known as the
' removals of the scribes,' five passages in which the
word and was struck out ; and (2) in the ' corrections
of the scribes,' eighteen passages in which, mainly
for dogmatic reasons, certain readings were adopted
in preference to others. Thus in Hab. i. 12, we shall
not die was pronounced to be right in preference to
thou diest not, from motives of reverence. But (3)
still more important are the variations known as
K'thlbh and Q'rl, to which reference is made in the
preface to the Eevised Version. These words mean
respectively written and read, and we find from time
to time in the margin of the Hebrew Bible notes to
F
66 GROWTH OF THE LECT
the effect that certain words are written "bid not read
(e.g. in Jer, li. 3) ; or that certain words are to be
read though not written (e.g. 2 Sam. xvi. 23); or
that certain words are to be read otherwise than they
are written (e.g. Ps. c. 3).
Many of these variations have only a grammatical
interest, as for instance those which substitute
ordinary forms for archaisms. Others are euphem
isms, the commonest being the substitution of
Adonai (Lord), or Elohim (God), for the ineffable
Name YHVH (Jehovah), which is accordingly for the
most part represented in the A.V. by LORD or GOD,
the small capitals indicating that the sacred Name
actually stands in the text. Others, however, are
relics of real various readings, and originated in a
divergence between the MSS. used by the scribes.
But it must not be supposed that it was left to the
reader's discretion to choose between conflicting
readings. The decision was absolutely and authori
tatively made that such a word or form of a word
was to be read ; but — and in this we see a proof of
the scrupulous care with which the scribes of this
period abstained from tampering with the text — the
word to be read was not inserted in the text itself,
but only noted in the margin.
Sometimes the Q'rl and sometimes the Jf'thibh
appears, upon internal grounds, to be preferable ; and
the A.V. and R.V. follow sometimes one and some
times the other. But it must be clearly understood
that the Q'rl or marginal reading is the received
in EXEGETICAL TRADITION 67
reading, and when they adopt the K'thlbh in prefer
ence to the Q'rl, as for example in Ps. xxiv. 4, they
are deserting the orthodox Jewish tradition.
Many of these variations are recognised in the
Talmud; and as they were probably transmitted
orally and not committed to writing in the period
which we are considering, it is only a part of them
that have come down to the present day.
Simultaneously with the determination of the
consonantal text grew up an exegetical tradition, or
fixed method of reading and dividing the text. But
as yet this method was transmitted orally only ; no
written vowel marks were added to the text. The
Talmud knows of no written vowel points, although
it regards the pronunciation and meaning of words
as definitely fixed.
Jerome knew of no written vowels, and pro
nunciation was in his day still to some extent a
matter of choice and locality. Thus he writes : " It
does not matter whether it be called Salem or Salim,
for the Hebrews very seldom use vowel letters in the
middle of a word, and the same words are pronounced
with different sounds and accents according to the
choice of the reader and the locality." * The " vowel
letters " to which he refers are not the vowel points,
but those consonants which, as has already been ex
plained, are sometimes used to mark long vowels.
In his commentary on Jer. ix. 22 he illustrates the
possible varieties of pronunciation and meaning of a
1 Ep. 73 ad Evangelum.
68 GRADUAL DEVELOPMENT OF LECT.
word thus : " The Hebrew word which is written with
three letters Daleth, Beth, Res (for there are no vowels
between them), according to the context and the
reader's pleasure, signifies, if it be read ddbar, word ;
if deber, death ; if dalber, speak." But though he had
no written vowels, it is plain that he was acquainted
with an* " exegetical tradition," and that this very
closely resembled that which the Jews have per
petuated to the present day.
We go a step further back to Origen. One
column of his great Hexapla was devoted to a
transliteration of the Hebrew into Greek characters.
His pronunciation is analogous to the present pro
nunciation, but still not so close to it as Jerome's.
But if we go back still further to the period
before the Christian era, we find evidence that this
system of pronunciation had not yet been developed.
From the way in which the Septuagint translators
transliterate proper names, it may be inferred with
certainty that the pronunciation of Hebrew to
which they were accustomed differed in many
respects from that of later times. It was rougher,
less artificial, less systematic. Unquestionably it
belonged to an .earlier stage of the language. To
give one example out of many, Hebrew, as now read,
never doubles the consonant r. But this was not
anciently the case, as the Septuagint pronunciation
of the name Gomorra indicates.
But further, the Septuagint translators read many
words — which in the absence of written vowels or a
in THE SYSTEM OF PRONUNCIATION 69
fixed exegetical tradition might be read and explained
in more ways than one — quite differently from the
tradition of later times ; though, on the other hand,
in some obscure and ambiguous cases their inter
pretation agrees exactly with the later tradition.
These facts then point to the following con
clusions : (1) that before the Christian era, while
the written text was still current in various forms,
the exegetical tradition was still in a rudimentary
stage. Something was fixed, in certain obscure and
ambiguous cases, but much was still fluctuating, and
was left to the intelligence of the reader. (2) That in
the period from 70 A.D. to 500 A.D., simultaneously
with the authoritative determination of the conson
antal text, a fixed tradition sprang up, regulating the
orthodox method of reading it even in minute
peculiarities. This method of reading, so far as
pronunciation is concerned, was largely influenced
by the solemn chant -like mode of reciting the
Scriptures which was in use in the Synagogue.
(IV.) The fourth or Massoretic period in the
history of the text may be taken to extend from
the sixth to the eleventh centuries. It witnessed
two events of the greatest importance : (1) the
reduction of the exegetical tradition to writing by
the invention and adoption of a full apparatus of
vowel points and accents ; (2) the elaboration of the
ingenious machinery for preserving the integrity of
the text known as the Massora. This period was
essentially conservative, not productive. Its highest
70 VOWELS AND ACCENTS LECT.
aim was the faithful preservation and transmission
of the traditions it had received. Its distinguishing
characteristic was a painful and anxious literalism.
(i.) Babylon and Tiberias were the great centres
of Jewish learning in this period, and between these
schools certain readings remained in dispute. They
are known as " Eastern " and " Western " readings ;
they mostly concern letters, not vowel points ; they
rarely affect the sense of a word, and for the most
part relate to questions of orthography only. I
think this is worth mentioning because it shows to
what petty minutiae — the most trivial of trifles —
the Eabbinic textual criticism had come down. The
authority of the Western readings prevailed in
Europe, and they are generally adopted in our
printed Bibles.
Babylon and Tiberias each adopted a distinct
system of pronunciation marks. In all essential
points the two systems agree. The Babylonian,
however, is less elaborate. It was completed first,
probably in the seventh century, but it fell entirely
into disuse. It does not appear in any printed
Bibles, and is known only from MSS., of which the
most famous is the St. Petersburg Codex of the
Prophets, dated 916 A.D.
The Palestinian system of reading marks is that
which is found in our printed Hebrew Bibles. It
includes three classes of marks. (1) Those determin
ing the pronunciation of consonants : e.g. whether a
consonant is to be doubled, and whether certain
in ADDED TO THE TEXT 71
consonants are to be unaspirated. (2) Vowel marks,
ten in number, and a mark denoting the absence of
a vowel. (3) Accents, twenty -seven in number,
serving not only to mark the accented syllable of a
word, but to show the logical connexion of words in
a sentence, and the proper cadence for reading or
chanting it. They form, in fact, a most elaborate
system of punctuation in the modern sense of the
word, and a rhythmical notation indicating the
proper inflexion or intonation of the whole sentence.
This notation of vowel points and accents was
probably fully developed by the middle of the eighth
centuiy ; but it is important to bear in mind that it
did rot originate a new method of reading and
interpreting the text. It merely stereotyped what
had "oug been current as oral tradition, and that
tradition carries us back to the first centuries of the
Christian era.
Absolute uniformity could not of course be secured
even now. The exact method of reading many words
stil! remained in dispute. Two MSS., written by
famous scholars of the two schools, are often referred
to by subsequent writers. The great authority of
the Western Jews was the Codex of Rabbi Aaron
ben Asher, written by him in the early part of the
tenth century ; and Rabbi Moses ben Naphtali wrote
a codex to criticise his readings from the Eastern
point of view. Both MSS. are lost, but a list of
864 readings more or less, in which they differed,
is preserved. The points at issue between them
72 THE MASSORETES LECT.
concern vowels and accents almost exclusively, and
rarely affect the sense. To all intents and purposes
the text of the Old Testament had been fixed in the
preceding period.
(ii.) The text having now been fully committed to
writing, it remained to secure it from corruption.
With this object an elaborate system of checks and
safeguards, known as the Massora, was devised. It
was a saying of K. Aqiba, that " Tradition (Massora)
is a fence to the Law." The Massora of which he
spoke was the tradition of customary rules, which by
enlarging the sphere of duty protected the actual
precepts of the Law from the danger of violation.
But the textual Massora was also designed as a fence
to the letter of the Law. It would require a separate
lecture to give any adequate idea of what is embraced
by the term Massora. It includes (1) a reckoning of
the number of verses, words, and even letters in the
books of the Old Testament. The middle verse,
word, and even letter of a book are noted. (2)
Peculiar forms of words and peculiar phrases are
noted, with the number of times which they occur.
(3) All the notes of Q'rl and ICthiWi, the corrections
of the scribes, etc., were carefully collected and pre
served. (4) Eules are given as to certain words
which are to be marked with special points, letters
to be written large, small, suspended, or inverted,
spaces to be left between words, etc.
Much of this material belongs to an earlier age,
but the systematic elaboration of the Massora must
lit AND THE MASSORA 78
belong to this period, for many of the notes refer to
vowel points and accents.
The scribes who compiled this mass of critical
material were called " masters of tradition " or Mas-
soretes, i.e. traditionalists. Their chief centre of
activity was Tiberias, and hence Buxtorf called his
commentary on the Massora — a work of vast learn
ing which has never been superseded — Tiberias.
From the labours of these men the Eeceived Text
of the Old Testament is commonly called the Mas-
sorctic Text.
That text has been preserved unchanged for a
thousand years with the most minute accuracy.
Indeed, we may go much farther and say that so
far as the consonants are concerned it has remained
substantially the same for nearly eighteen hundred
years.
We have traced the history of the Massoretic
Text, but we have still to inquire into its character.
Water cannot rise above its own level ; and the most
careful preservation could only perpetuate error, if
error had crept in previously to the time at which
the standard text was adopted. We have already
seen by the way (p. 62) that the Septuagint Version
supplies evidence that variations of the text existed
in the earlier period. Can it be supposed that the
Massoretic Text has preserved the true and un
adulterated text, and that these variations are all
errors and corruptions ? Is the Massoretic Text
to be placed on a pedestal by itself, beyond the
74 INTEGRITY OF THE LECT,
reach of the audacious touch of criticism, or must
we call in the aid of the Versions to correct it, 01
even in the last resort, have recourse to conjectural
emendation in desperate passages ?
The question of the integrity of the Massoretic
Text was hotly debated in the seventeenth century.
On the one side were ranged those famous Hebrew
scholars the Buxtorfs of Basle, and their followers.
They defended the absolute integrity of the Hebrew
text, and agreed with the authorities of the Syna
gogue in maintaining its exclusive validity. They
held that the final and authoritative revision of
the text was made by Ezra and the men of the
"Great Synagogue," to whom was also due the
collection of the books of the Old Testament and
the determination of the Canon. Ezra and his com
panions, they taught, had purged the text from all
extraneous additions and accidental errors, and had
finally settled the authorised method of reading it by
the addition of the vowel points. The whole work,
they believed, was carried out under the guidance of
Divine inspiration.
The theory is temptingly complete, but it is
shattered to pieces by the inexorable logic of facts.
There is no trace of the existence of the vowel points
before the seventh or eighth century A.D., and there
is clear evidence of their non-existence in the previous
period.
The opposition to the Buxtorfs was led by Louis
Cappel, a Protestant, Professor at Saumur, and Jean
Ill MASSORETIC TEXT 75
Morin, a Paris Oratorian. They maintained that
the Massoretic Text was far from being absolutely
perfect, that the vowel points were of late origin, and
that in a large number of passages the Hebrew text
must be corrected by the help of the Versions,
especially the Septuagint. They may have gone too
far in depreciating the value of the Massoretic Text,
but their view is in the main supported both by
external history and by internal evidence ; and it is
now generally admitted that instead of the Mas
soretic Text being the work of Ezra and his con
temporaries, it is the production of far later times,
and instead of being absolutely perfect, it has only a
relative superiority, and needs frequent correction.
It may be taken as certain that, as we have already
seen, there was a period in the history of the text of
the Old Testament when it was not preserved with
the same scrupulous care and accuracy which were
such remarkable characteristics of the later Jews.
Like the text of the New Testament, it suffered from
intentional alterations, and to a still greater extent
from accidental corruptions, in the process of tran
scription. Like the New Testament, the Old Testa
ment was at one time circulated in forms differing
considerably from one another. The Alexandrian
Jew of the two or three centuries before the Christian
era read his Old Testament in a form differing from
that in which the Jew of Palestine was familiar with
it ; just as the Western churches in Italy and Africa
during the first two or three centuries of the Christian
76 EXAMPLES OF LECT
era read the New Testament in a text differing con
siderably from that which was current at Alexandria.
The history of the text which has been traced
in the preceding pages raises a presumption that
the text will not be found to be free from error;
and that presumption is converted into a certainty
by the examination of the Massoretic Text itself,
and by the comparison of it with the ancient Versions.
The proofs of the imperfection of the Massoretic
Text lie partly in the consideration of the text itself,
partly in the comparison of parallel passages, partly
in the evidence which is supplied by the Ancient
Versions.
(1) There are many passages in which the Mas
soretic Text, as it stands, cannot be translated
without doing violence to the laws of grammar, or
cannot be reconciled with the context, or with other
passages. In some of these the Versions offer no
help, but in others the LXX. or some other Version
supplies the necessary correction. Thus, for example,
to take a simple instance, the Massoretic Text in
Gen. iv. 8 reads, And Gain said to Abel his brother.
The word said cannot be rendered as in the A.V.,
talked with. The usage of the language requires that
the words spoken should be expressed. Something
is undoubtedly lost in the Hebrew text, and the
LXX. and some other Versions fill up the gap suitably
enough with the words, Let us go into the field.
When we read that the Lord smote of the people
seventy men, and fifty thousand men in the village of
m FALSE READINGS 77
Beth-shemesh (1 Sam. vi. 19), we may be tolerably
sure that there is some error in the numerals. The
village of Beth-shemesh cannot have contained such
a number of inhabitants, and the anomalous order of
the numerals and the absence of the conjunction
and mark corruption, to say nothing of the tolerably
evident signs of much deeper-seated error in the verse.
But here the LXX. does not help us. Similarly in
1 Sam. xiii. 5, thirty thousand chariots can hardly be
right. The number of chariots was always less than
that of cavalry, and such an enormous force of
chariots is not only quite unparalleled, but would have
been useless in the mountainous country of Judah.
The common text of the LXX. has the same reading,
but Lucian's recension and the Syriac Version read
three thousand, which may be right.
In Psy* xvi. 2, the ellipse of 0 my soul which is
assumed by the reading of the Massoretic Text, thou
hast said unto the Lord, cannot be grammatically
justified. The LXX. and other Versions are no doubt
right in reading / have said, which is adopted by
the E.V.
What sense can be made of the Massoretic Text
in Jer. xi. 15 ? The A.V. certainly contrives
with some ingenuity to translate it thus : What
hath my beloved to do in my house, seeing she hath
wrought leivdness with many, and the holy flesh is
passed from thee ? but the result is unintelligible.
The LXX. at any rate gives a good and clear sense :
Why hath the beloved wrought abomination in my
78 EXAMPLES OF LECT.
house ? Shall vows and holy flesh take away from
thee thy wickednesses, or shalt thou escape by these ?
But I need not multiply examples. I pass on (2)
to the evidence of parallel passages. A careful com
parison of the variations between Ps. xviii. and
2 Sam. xxii. makes it tolerably certain that some at
least of the variations are due to errors of transcrip
tion, while others are probably due to intentional
changes. The text of the Psalm appears to have
been subjected to a careful literary revision.
In 2 Sam. xxi. 19 we read that Elhanan the son of
Jaare-oregim the Bethlehemite slew Goliath the Gittite,
whereas the parallel passage in 1 Chron. xx. 5 says
that Elhanan the son of Jair slew Lahmi the brother
of Goliath the Gittite. The A.Y. smooths over the
difficulty by the insertion of the words the brother
of before Goliath in Samuel. This is only a con
jectural emendation, and it is evident that one, or
more probably, for reasons upon which I need not
enter here, both of the texts are corrupt.
(3) The ancient Versions represent various read
ings, which in many cases bear a strong stamp of
probability upon them, and often lessen or remove
the difficulties of the Massoretic Text. Let us glance
at a few examples.
In 1 Sam. xiv. 18 the Hebrew text reads : And
Saul said unto Ahijah, Bring hither the ark of God.
For the ark of God was there at that time with the
children of Israel. But the LXX. reads : Bring hither
the ephod. For he wore the ephod at that time before
in FALSE READINGS 79
Israel. Which is the more probable of these rival
readings ? Saul wished to " inquire of God " before
going to battle. No doubt it was an ancient practice
to carry the ark out to battle as the symbol of God's
presence, and the ark might have been there, though
we have had no mention of its transportation from
Kiriathjearim. But it was not the Ark, but the
Ephod with Urirn and Thummim, which was the
regular instrument for ascertaining the will of God.
Moreover, "bring hither is a term applied to the Ephod
(1 Sam. xxiii. 9 ; xxx. 7), but not to the Ark.
Hence it is almost certain that the LXX. has pre
served the true reading.
Take as another and an important instance Ps.
xxii. 16. The Massoretic Text reads : like a lion my
hands and my feet, and a verb did they mangle must
be supplied to complete the sense. But most of the
ancient Versions represent the word now read like a
lion by a verb, though they translate it in different
ways, and there can be no reasonable doubt that a
verb originally stood in the text, and that our trans
lators were right in adopting the rendering they
pierced, which is substantially that of the LXX.
Space forbids the multiplication of instances in
which the LXX. or other Versions help the interpre
tation of the Old Testament by presenting or suggest
ing readings which carry conviction with them.
But enough has been said to show that it is idle
to talk of "the incredible folly of tinkering the
Massoretic Text," when that text cannot be for a
80 RELATIVE SUPERIORITY LECT
moment regarded as so perfect as to be exempt from
criticism.
The Revisers were unquestionably right in adopting
some readings from the Versions, and in placing others
in the margin, as at least worthy of consideration.
It may be doubted, indeed, whether they did not err
on the side of caution, and whether they should not
have taken most of these marginal readings into the
text, and placed a number of others in the margin.
For example, in Gen. xlvii. 21, the words, As for
the people, he removed them to the cities from one end
of the border of Egypt even to the other end thereof,
can hardly be understood of a general removal of the
people from the country to the cities where the corn
was stored ; whereas the reading of the LXX., the
Samaritan, and the Vulgate, he made bondmen of them,
which is given in the margin, agrees exactly with the
request of ver. 19, "buy us and our land for bread, and
should have found a place in the text. Again, in
2 Sam. xv. 7, four makes sense, and forty does not.
Absalom could not have been hatching his rebellion
for forty years. No notice is taken even in the
margin of the fact that in 2 Sam. xxiv. 13 the LXX.
agrees with 1 Chron. xxi. 12 in reading three for
seven years of famine.1
Opinions will differ as to the degree of corruption
present in the Massoretic Text. No doubt it differs
1 For further illustrations I may be allowed to refer to a paper
read at the Church Congress at Portsmouth in 1885, pp. 54 fF. of the
official Report.
in OF THE HEBREW TEXT
largely in different books. But it may be safely
asserted that this text, as a whole, is superior to the
LXX. as a' whole. There does not appear to be any
ground for the charges which were at one time
freely made against the Jews, of corrupting the Old
Testament Scriptures out of hostility to the Christian
Church ; and there are not wanting indications that
the scribes who were responsible for the Massoretic
Text faithfully followed their ancient MSS. Peculi
arities of different writers, archaisms, dialectic colour
ing, particular idioms, even unusual ways of writing,
have in not a few cases been faithfully preserved.
The recognition of the relative superiority of the
Massoretic Text must, however, by no means be taken
to exempt it from criticism and emendation. To
what aids, then, can we appeal for the purpose ?
Little or nothing is to be gained from the most
careful collation of Hebrew MSS., for, as has been
pointed out, they all belong to one recension. It is
only from the Versions which preserve traces of
earlier form? of the text that help can be derived.
In the use of this help much must depend on tact
and judgment and instinct. The textual criticism
of the Old Testament must go hand in hand with its
exegesis. The * subjective element ' in it is neces
sarily large, and, in the absence of adequate materials,
the methods by which this element has been reduced
to a minimum in the textual criticism of the New
Testament cannot be applied.
Under these circumstances, moreover, conjectural
G
82 NECESSITY OF LECT.
emendation may find a place in the criticism of the
Old Testament which would be wholly anomalous in
the case of the New, where the documentary evi
dence is of such an entirely different character. It
may even be our duty in the last resort to confess
that the text is uncertain, and beyond the reach of
even probable restoration.
Much of what has been said in this lecture may
seem to some to be negative and destructive, and
even mischievously unsettling. Why, it may be
asked, should these doubts be raised about the integ
rity of the text? I answer (1) that honesty requires
it. The cause of truth is ill served by concealing
facts, or affirming uncertainties to be certainties.
And (2) the attempt to maintain the absolute integrity
of the Massoretic Text loads students of the Old
Testament with a burden heavier than they can
bear. There are enough real difficulties in it, with
out the addition of the adventitious difficulties which
arise from trying to defend the soundness of a corrupt
text.
It is no doubt one of the " trials of a new age "
to find that "the text and the interpretation of
the constituent parts of Holy Scripture have not
been kept free from corruptions and ambiguities
which require the closest exercise of critical skill." 1
Perhaps younger scholars can hardly recognise the
greatness of the trial to those who have been trained
in traditional views. But here, as elsewhere, the
1 Bishop "Westcott, Christus Consummator, p. 7.
ill TEXTUAL CRITICISM 83
object of the removal of the things that are shaken
is " that the things which are not shaken may
remain."
It is not without instruction to remember that
the LXX., which with all its value for interpre
tation and criticism is an imperfect and inadequate
version, was for many centuries the only means by
which the Old Testament was known to the Christian
Church. The majority of the quotations in the New
Testament are taken from it. Many of the ancient
Versions were made from it, not from the original
Hebrew. The Fathers were with rare exceptions
ignorant of Hebrew, and dependent on the LXX. or
other Versions.
From the undoubted fact that it has not been
God's will to preserve the letter of Holy Scripture
in a precise and unaltered form, and that the inter
pretation of the Scriptures is necessarily gradual and
progressive, we may derive a clear warning against
that worship of the letter into which the Jewish
Church fell, and into which parts of the Christian
Church have from time to time fallen. True, the
spirit must be reached through the letter, and to the
devout student even the smallest word of Holy
Scripture will not be a matter of indifference. But
the imperfections and uncertainties of the letter bid
us look from the letter to the spirit ; from the words
to the truths which the words convey, — truths, we
may be assured, unshaken and unimpaired by such
defects as have been allowed to creep in ; from these
84 FROM LETTER TO SPIRIT LECT. in
truths, indeed, to HIM in whom all partial truths
are summed up, and who is Himself the Truth to
whom all the Scriptures point.
" The testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy
. Christ is all and in all"
LECTUEE IV
THE INSPIRATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
v elfflv, rb 5£ avrb Trvcvfj-a.. — 1 COR. xi. 4.
THUS far we have considered the testimony, direct
and indirect, which the books of the Old Testament
give to their literary origin, and traced the history of
their transmission through more than two thousand
years. Our survey has necessarily heen partial and
superficial ; but we have seen, in typical instances,
that Holy Scripture is no book fallen from heaven in
an ideal completeness, but is marked in every feature
with signs of its human origin, with characteristics
of place and age and circumstance and personality,
and bears in many of its parts the evidence of a long
and often complicated literary history. We have
seen, moreover, that the Old Testament has not been
exempted from the errors to which all works of
literature are liable in the process of transmission.
Yet in all this diversity of many parts and many
fashions there is a unity which binds together the vari
ous books into a single whole. It is no artificial and
external uniformity, but a natural and organic unity of
86 INSPIRATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT LECT
life and spirit. Natural and undesigned, so far as the
several authors of the many books collected in the
Divine Library of the Old Testament are concerned,
and therefore all the more attesting itself as super
natural and designed. For to the question, Whence
comes this living unity which pervades and animates
this whole in all its diverse parts ? the Christian
student can make but one answer : that it comes
from God Himself, who speaks through historian and
prophet and psalmist. These books, in all their
variety, are oracles of God ; they are living oracles ; and
because the life which is their common characteristic
was breathed into them by the Holy Ghost, the Giver
of life, we agree to call them INSPIRED.
The Inspiration of Scripture ! It is a sacred and
difficult subject, not to be handled without caution
and reverence. Yet I should separate what is insep
arable, and put asunder what God has joined together
by an indissoluble bond, if I were to speak, as I have
done in the preceding lectures, of the human origin of
the Scriptures, without going on to speak, however
inadequately and unworthily, of their Divine origin.
The unique position of the books of the Old
Testament is assumed in the New Testament as an
axiomatic truth. They are holy Scriptures, bearing
in themselves the marks of a Divine origin ; sacred
writings, fenced off as it were and distinguished from
the mass of ordinary books. Nor are we left in doubt
what is the source to which they owe this character.
GOD spake unto the fathers in the prophets ; the Spirit
IV ASSUMED IN THE NEW TESTAMENT 8?
of Christ testified beforehand in them; the Holy
Ghost spake through the prophets; psalmists wrote
in the Holy Spirit. Does the dignity and pre-emin
ence accorded to these Scriptures need illustration?
It was the highest glory and prerogative of the Jews
that unto them were intrusted the oracles of God. And
from the whole treatment of the Old Testament
Scriptures in the New Testament, even more than
from explicit statement, it is clear that they are
regarded as being of Divine origin, and as possessing
Divine authority ; as being, in fact, what we generally
understand by the term inspired.
But no definition of inspiration is given in the
New Testament — in fact, the word inspired is only
once applied to the Scriptures, and in that case
inspiration is rather assumed as an attribute (every
scripture inspired of God) than affirmed as a predicate
(all scripture is given "by inspiration of God), — nor has
any definition of it been given by the Church.
Hence while the fact of inspiration is an essential
article of the Christian faith, the nature of inspiration
is left to be inferred from the Scriptures themselves.
May we not venture to say that it is providential
that it has been so ? For as our conception of the
operations of God in nature must necessarily be
modified by the discoveries of science, so our view of
the methods of God in the record of His revelation
must inevitably be changed by the results of criticism.
Theories of inspiration which once found wide accept
ance are shattered to pieces on the hard rock of facts.
88 DIFFICULTIES LECT
We are familiar with the old objections to the
inspiration of the Old Testament drawn from its
moral character. How, asks the sceptic, can you
maintain that a book which contains such crude
anthropomorphic representations of God, such im
perfect ideas of morality, so much that is positively
revolting to an enlightened conscience, is inspired ?
These old difficulties are still brought forward ; and
they get their chief weight from the erroneous concep
tions of what the Old Testament is, and what inspira
tion means, which have too often been put forward
by defenders of the faith as though they were an
integral part of the faith itself.
But in the present day we have new difficulties to
meet, in view of the results at which criticism arrives
as to the origin and character of the books of the
Old Testament. In what sense, it is asked, can
this legislation, which is now said to be Mosaic in
elemental germ and idea only, and to represent not
the inspired deliverance of a supremely great in
dividual, but the painful efforts of many generations
of law-makers ; these histories which have been
compiled from primitive traditions, and chronicles,
and annals, and what not ; these books of prophecy
which are not the authentic autographs of the pro
phets, but posthumous collections of such writings —
if any — as they left behind them, eked out by the
recollections of their disciples ; these Proverbs and
Psalms which have been handed down by tradition,
and altered and edited and re-edited ; these histories
iv OLD AND NEW 89
which contain errors of date and fact, and have been
perhaps ' idealised ' by the reflection of the circum
stances and ideas of the writers' own times upon
a distant past ; these seeming narratives which may
be allegories ; and these would-be prophecies which
may be histories ; — in what sense can these be said
to be inspired ? The problems raised are grave.
There are some to whom the inspiration and
authority of Scripture seem to be seriously im
perilled by critical inquiries, and they would bid
us hold our hands for fear of the results to which
they may lead. Unquestionably those who approach
the Bible with preconceived ideas of what inspiration
must be, and what must be the characteristics of an
inspired book, may find much in the conclusions of
modern criticism to shock and scandalise. But, as
has been wisely said by Bishop Westcott,1 "the
student must not approach the inquiry " [into the
origin and relations of the constituent books of the
Old Testament] " with the assumption — sanctioned
though it may have been by traditional use — that
God must have taught His people, and us through
His people, in one particular way. He must not
presumptuously stake the inspiration and the Divine
authority of the Old Testament on any foregone
conclusion as to the method and shape in which
the records have come down to us." The Old
Testament is placed in the hands of the Christian
Church as the inspired, authoritative record of
1 Hebrews, p. 493.
90 SCRIPTURE AT ONCE LECT
God's revelation of Himself to His chosen people,
and of His education of that people. We accept
it as such on the authority of Christ and His
Apostles. But into the character and methods of
that record we are free to examine — it is our
duty to examine — by the help of all the faculties
which God Himself has given us. " Fresh materials,
fresh methods of inquiry, bring fresh problems and
fresh trials." l It cannot but be that as the day
wears on, and the sunlight falls at an ever- changing
angle, the observers, as they bring fresh instruments
of greater power into play, should find the distant
object of their scrutiny far different in the details
of its structure from what they imagined in the
morning twilight by the unassisted eye.
The majority of men, indeed, desire a clear-cut
definite theory ; but clear-cut definite theories may
come into awkward conflict with facts, to the grave
injury of those who have pledged themselves to
stand or fall by them. And, indeed, no abstract dis
cussion or formulated theory of inspiration is possible.
Life is not a thing to be analysed and defined, but
an energy to be recognised and observed in operation.
The gist of the matter is given in the familiar
words, Of old time Gfod spake unto the fathers in the
prophets. The words affirm the harmonious union
of the Divine and the human factors in indissoluble
connexion. In theories of inspiration one factor has
too often been brought into exclusive prominence
1 Bishop Westcott, Hebrews, p. 492.
iv DIVINE AND HUMAN 91
and the other passed over. A purely mechanical
theory has practically ignored any real activity on
the part of the human instrument; or an entirely
subjective theory has virtually denied the reality of
the Divine communication of truth which could not
otherwise have been known. The proposition that
" Scripture is the word of God " has been hardened
into the dogma of the verbal inspiration and absolute
inerrancy of every word of the Bible, and the Jewish
theory of the dictation of the Pentateuch to Moses
has been extended to the rest of the Old Testament ;
or, on the other hand, the proposition that " Scripture
contains the word of God " has been volatilised till
all distinction between Scripture and other books is
obliterated, and the inspiration of Moses or Isaiah is
held to be not materially different from the inspira
tion of Solon or Aeschylus.
The analogy between the Incarnate Word and the
Written Word has often been noticed, but it is worth
while to recall it once more in this connexion. In
the doctrine of our Lord's Person, His Divinity has
sometimes been allowed virtually to annihilate His
true humanity ; at other times His humanity has
been- made the exclusive object of attention so as
practically to ignore His inalienable Divinity. So
too it has fared with Holy Scripture.
The Bible is a unique book ; but no absolute
monopoly of truth is to be claimed for it, as some
times seems to be asserted. God left not Himself
without witness even in the heathen world. Not
92 THE OLD TESTAMENT THE RECORD LEGT
seldom tc the poet seers and philosophers " high
thoughts beyond their thought were given." Yet
elevate other literature, and depreciate this literature
as you will, the distinction approves itself. No
other literature is linked into one whole like this,
instinct with one spirit and purpose, and, with all its
variety of character and origin, moving forward to an
unseen yet certain goal. No other literature is so
intimately connected with a national life unique in
its claims and its character.
Not that there are not books outside the Canon
which might, to our individual judgment, have
seemed worthy of a place in it, and books included
in it whose presence there seems to us hard to
account for. The distinction between canonical and
deutero-canonical books may be less sharp and in
telligible than was once commonly supposed. We
may even acknowledge, as the ancient Jews did,
various degrees or modes of inspiration within the
Canon. God does not speak with the same immedi-
ateness or fulness or permanence of teaching in every
part of all the books of Scripture. It is a natural
inference from the distribution of the quotations in
the New Testament, that some books were much
read and almost known by heart, others little used
and almost unknown. "In revelation and in the
record of revelation all parts have a Divine work,
but not the same work nor (as we speak) an equal
work."1 But still, speaking broadly, the selection
1 Bishop Westcott, Hebrews, p. 4.
rv OF THE DIVINE PURPOSE 93
of the Canon approves itself as a providential
selection, the mind of the Church answering to
the Will of God ; here we are within a sacred
enclosure; the atmosphere is different from that
which we breathe outside.
I have said that no abstract discussion of the
nature of inspiration appears to be possible ; and
it seems to me that the consideration of the inspira
tion of the Old Testament may best be approached
by a general consideration of the Divine purpose of
which it is the record. For what is the Old Testa
ment from the Christian point of view — and from no
other point of view can it be rightly understood — but
the record of God's gradual revelation of Himself to
Israel in His purpose of redeeming love with a view
to the establishment of His universal kingdom ? The
Incarnation was to be the culminating point of that
revelation and that purpose. In it the old order
was to be consummated and the new order to be
founded. But for that unique event a long prepara
tion was necessary. That preparation was carried
on negatively and generally in the world at large,
positively and specifically in the chosen people.
The " father of the faithful " was called from his
distant home and made the heir of the promise.
Slowly yet surely the family grew into a nation.
The nation, in spite of wilfulness and apostasy and
failure, was shaped and moulded by the discipline of
Law and the teaching of Prophets, by the rule of
Judge and King and Priest, for its predestined task,
94 THE TRAINING LECTT.
It grew to rankness in the days of its prosperity;
it was refined in the furnace of adversity ; it died in
the Exile and came to life in the Keturn, a dimin
ished but purified remnant of its former self, still
in spite of itself led on towards the appointed end.
Step by step God revealed Himself, and Israel be
came the trustee for the world of the primary truth
of ethical monotheism. As He revealed Himself
they learned little by little what Righteousness and
Holiness mean, and in the awful light of the Divine
attributes and the Divine demand on the nation and
the individual that they should reflect those attri
butes, they grew to learn a deeper conception of the
nature of sin and the need of Divine pardon and
cleansing and renewal.
The institutions of the nation were all propae
deutic. The kingdom, with its unique idea of a king
who was at once the representative of God to the
people and of the people to God, who stood in a
unique relation of sonship to Jehovah, and in virtue
of that sonship was the heir of a world-wide inherit
ance, presented the type of a King to come who
should establish a universal kingdom of peace and
righteousness. The priesthood, with ritual of sacri
fice, maintained the need of mediation and inter
cession between sinful man and a righteous God.
The prophets pointed forward to the time when Zion
should be the centre from which an universal revela
tion should issue. At length the great prophet, who
in the days of the Exile strove to stir Israel to a
rv OF ISRAEL 95
sense of its high calling as the servant of the Lord
and of its failure to fulfil that mission, delineated
the portraiture of the Ideal Servant, fulfilling for
His people the work in which they had failed.
King, Son, Priest, Prophet, Servant; what were they
but unconnected and apparently parallel lines until
they met in the One Person of Him who united and
interpreted them all ?
It is impossible to read the Old Testament with
open eyes without seeing that we have there the
record of the Divine plan and purpose worked out
unhastingly, unrestingly, " in patient length of days."
The revelation was gradual, progressive, manifold.
God's purpose was one and the same throughout ;
His truth is one and unchanging. But the purpose
must be wrought out step by step in successive ages,
in many fashions ; the truth must be communicated
fragment by fragment, in many parts, as men were
able to receive it. The child's perception of truth
cannot be the same as the youth's, nor the youth's
the same as the man's. The modes of education
which are fitting for the child must gradually be
changed as he passes from childhood to youth, and
from youth to manhood. So it was in the education
of the chosen nation ; so it must be in the education
of the human race.
The record of Revelation may be expected to cor
respond to the Eevelation itself. In part the Old
Testament narrates the history of the facts and the
institutions in and through which God manifested
96 THE RECORD OF LECT
Himself and prepared the way for the accomplish
ment of His purposes ; in part it preserves the
messages of those whom He chose and commissioned
directly to communicate His will ; in part it records
the thoughts and aspirations of those who lived
under this system of Divine education, and responded
to its influence. Now it is at least a reasonable
hypothesis, that the same Providence which moulded
the course of the history, and shaped the form of the
institutions, would in some sort and degree superin
tend the record of them ; that the same Teacher who
spoke through the prophets would watch over the
preservation of the records of their teaching for the
instruction of future generations ; that the same
Spirit who stirred the feelings and emotions of the
holy men of old would not let the response of their
hearts to that awakening be lost and vanish out of
hand. The idea of an inspired record is the natural
correlative to the idea of a Divine revelation ; and
the inspired record may be expected to reflect the
characteristics of the revelation. But as we have no
right to determine for ourselves a priori what the
character and methods of a Divine revelation must
be — Bishop Butler long ago warned us against that
— so neither have we any right to determine a priori
by what methods that Divine revelation will be re
corded, and what must be the precise character of
the record. No! we must go to the record itself,
and endeavour to learn from it in what ways and by
what methods and under what conditions God was
IV
ISRAEL'S TRAINING 97
pleased to preserve the record of His dealings with
Israel and His words spoken to Israel for our ad
monition upon 'whom the ends of the ages are come.
Let us then approach the Old Testament, and try
to pick out some of the characteristic features, posi
tive and negative, which may help us, not indeed to
define inspiration or formulate a theory of it, but to
understand somewhat better what an inspired book
is, and what — popular ideas notwithstanding — it
does not profess to be. With this view, let us look
first at those accounts of the childhood of the world,
which, as we have seen, recent discoveries show to
have been current among the Babylonians as well as
among the Israelites. The common origin of the
Chaldaean and the biblical narratives of the Creation
and the Flood cannot be disputed. But with all
their striking similarity, there are yet more striking
differences between them. What power is it that has
taken these primitive traditions of the human race,
purified them from their grossness and their poly
theism, and made them at once the foundation and
the explanation of the long history that is to follow?1
Surely it was the Holy Spirit of God working, as it
is the economy of Divine method to work, upon
existing materials. Jehovah did not " obliterate the
whole contents of the religious consciousness of the
Abrahauiic family " when He called Abraham to
leave his country and his kindred and his father's
house. He did not create afresh their whole mental
1 See Bishop Moorliouse's Teaching of Christ, pp. 4 IF.
II
98 POSITIVE CHARACTERISTICS LECT.
furniture. But He did elevate and purify that
religious consciousness. When Abraham in faith
obeyed that call, he left behind him the gods which
his fathers had served in their Mesopotamian home.
He did mould that mental furniture into a new shape
and for a definite purpose. We do not know how
the primitive legends came into existence, but we
can see how they were transformed by inspiration to
convey fundamental truths with regard to Creation
and Divine judgment upon human sin, which it was
essential should be known. The first chapter of
Genesis is not, as we now know, a scientifically exact
account of Creation; the account of the Fall is, it
may be, an allegory rather than a history in the
strict sense of the term ; 1 the Deluge was not uni
versal in the sense that the waters covered the whole
surface of the entire globe. But I think we may
confidently say that the account of Creation presents
the essential religious truths concerning the origin
of the universe in a form which is as unrivalled for
majestic simplicity as it is inexhaustible in profound
significance ; that the story of the Fall explains the
entry of evil into the world which God made with a
solemn pathos in a way which is at once the condem
nation and the consolation of humanity ; that the nar
rative of the Flood is a parable of judgment and mercy
which will never become antiquated till the completion
of that final exhibition of judgment and mercy of
which it is the type. These narratives convey their
1 See Note a
nr OF INSPIRATION 99
lessons in a form which is intelligible to the least edu
cated race and to the youngest child, and yet will
never cease to grow in meaning for the most cultured
race and the wisest sage. They proclaim with Divine
authority truths which man needs to know, but which,
apart from revelation, he could only have guessed.
And for the rest of the Pentateuch, if the Mosaic
law was Mosaic in germ only and not in its complete
development, are we therefore to say that it was
not Israel's divinely - given schoolmaster, or that
the record of it cannot be inspired ? May we not
see an analogy between the record of Creation and
the record of the Mosaic legislation? The work,
which is pictorially represented as completed in a
week of six successive days, we now know from
the researches of geology to have been extended over
vast periods of untold duration as we reckon time.
And so, too, the legislation which is connected in its
completed form with the delivery of its original
elements during the forty years' wandering in the
wilderness, historical criticism is leading us to regard
as the outcome of centuries of national life. To the
eternal present of the Divine mind " all creation is
one act at once," and from the concentration and
condensation of the record we may be intended to
learn the unity of Divine plan and purpose which
was operative alike through the aeons of creation and
the centuries of Israel's history.
If Deuteronomy is not the ipsissima vcrla of
Moses, but a prophetic re-casting of Mosaic elements.
100 INSPIRATION OF LECT.
are the truths which it contains less true ? May we
not believe that he has found a faithful interpreter,
who wrote through the inspiration of the same Spirit
by which he spoke, putting old lessons into the new
form which his own age needed ?
Turn from the Pentateuch to the Historical Books.
Do not they too bear the marks of Divine superin
tendence? Partial and incomplete and dispropor-
tioned they are, if we view them as histories of the
nation. How much is left untold which we would
gladly know, in order to understand the course of
history, or the relations of Israel to its neighbours;
or the character of social life at various periods of
the kingdom. But with all that is passed over in
silence, how striking a view do these compilations
from ancient records present of the religious history
of the nation and the steady evolution of God's
purposes in spite of Israel's frowardness. They
interpret the course of Israel's history in its relation
to the history of Redemption, and in this we discern
the marks of their inspiration.
What need is there to speak of the inspiration of
the Prophets ? Whence came those sublime views
of God, those lofty ideas of His righteousness, His
lovingkindness, His faithfulness, His holiness, those
inflexible convictions of His corresponding demands
on men, those deepeningly spiritual conceptions of
the meaning of sacrifice ? Whence sprang that
inextinguishable certainty in days of evil rule that a
Divine kingdom of truth and righteousness must
iv HISTORY AND PROPHECY 101
ultimately be established ; that undaunted proclama
tion at the moment when the old covenant seemed
on the point of being cancelled that a new covenant
should be made and written in the heart of every
Israelite; that unhesitating prediction at the time
when Israel lay prostrate in the dust, a captive exile,
that Israel should yet fulfil his mission to the world ?
Whence came these things but from the Spirit of
God speaking in the prophets ? Natural growths
out of a soil where religious ideas germinated spon
taneously some would call them. But spontaneous
germination is unknown in nature. There must have
been a seed. Nor is it so clear that Israel was really
a favourable soil for the growth of pure and high
religious thought ; and tender plants do not come to
maturity without constant superintendence. Splendid
ideals, noble aspirations, sublime imaginations — is
that a sufficient account of prophecies which were
fulfilled in ways transcending human thought ? Nay,
it was the Spirit of Christ that testified beforehand in
them ; and whatever may be the literary relation of
the prophetic records to the original prophetic words,
they still speak to us as the voices of the prophets, — an
authentic and sufficient record of the testimony of
that goodly fellowship.
And the Psalms? What of them? Let me
answer the question in the words of a master of
insight and eloquence. " Where, in those rough,
cruel days, did they come from, those piercing, light
ning-like gleams of strange spiritual truth, those
102 NEGATIVE CHARACTERISTICS LECT.
magnificent outlooks over the kingdom of God,
those raptures at His presence and His glory, those
wonderful disclosures of self-knowledge, those pure
outpourings of the love of God? Surely here is
something more than the mere working of the mind
of man. Surely they tell of higher guiding, prepared
for all time ; surely, as we believe, they hear the word
behind them saying, This is the way, walk ye in it,
they repeat the whispers of the Spirit of God, they
reflect the very light of the Eternal Wisdom. In
that wild time there must have been men sheltered
and hidden amid the tumult round them, humble
and faithful and true, to whom the Holy Ghost could
open by degrees the wondrous tilings of His law, whom
He taught, and whose mouths he opened, to teach
their brethren by their own experience, and to do
each their part in the great preparation." l
Yes ! in that varied record of the Old Testament,
in law and history and prophecy and psalm, we hear
the voice of the living God, condescending to work
and speak within the limits of a narrow nationality,
in order ultimately to instruct the world. The more
patiently we study the manifold ways in which
eternal truths are enshrined in facts arid words, the
more surely shall we perceive that these writings are
no mere natural growth or development, but instinct
with a life which could only have come from the one
unfailing Fountain of life, replete with truth which
could only have flowed from the one inexhaustible
1 Dean Church, Discipline of Uie Christian Character, p. 57.
iv OF INSPIRATION 103
source of truth, radiating light which could only
have come down from the one eternal Father of lights.
So God speaks to men, through men, in human lan
guage, and the old words still speak to those who
have cars to hear.
Such are some of the characteristics of the inspired
books, which enable us to feel the reality of their
inspiration, though we may not be able to formulate
a precise definition of it. But it will be well further
to note explicitly some things which an examina
tion of the inspired books teaches us that in
spiration does not do. Once more let me repeat
emphatically that we have no other means than such
an examination for judging what may or may not be
compatible with inspiration.
(1) Inspiration does not, as we have seen, involve
independence of existing records whether traditional
or written, nor of historical research, nor of the
literary methods of the time. Inspiration took the
primeval traditions of the race and purified them
and moulded them anew to convey its message. It
took prophetic narratives and state annals and folk-
ballads and current traditions, and, looking back over
a long period, selected portions of these materials,
and wove them into the texture of a history which
should sum up and interpret the lessons of that
period, and bring them into relation with the course
of God's providential purposes. But in so doing
the historians were not exempted from the need of
care and diligence and research. If an Evangelist
104 NEGATIVE CHARACTERISTICS LEOTV
claims a hearing for his presentation of the Gospel
on the ground that he had traced the course of all
things accurately from the first, the writers of the Old
Testament, we may be sure, do not stand upon an
essentially different footing. They used, as we have
seen, the methods of composition current in their
time and country ; and this consideration should
lead us to abstain from making dogmatic a priori
assertions as to what kinds of literary composition
may or may not be found in the Bible. If, for
example, allegory was a familiar mode of instruction,
what right have we to assert (as some do) that the
Old Testament cannot contain allegories, nay even
what we call myths ? For, as the Archbishop of
Canterbury pointed out not long ago, we have in the
Holy Scriptures the fullest use made of poetry in all
its forms. "Even fable, in the fullest meaning of
the word, is used to convey Divine truth," — not only
parable but fable. Then are we prepared positively
to lay it down as a thing not to be credited that the
Spirit of God had ever used what we now call myth?1
If we say that, we lay down a canon which the
Church never ruled. Are we prepared to say that it
was impossible that the Divine Spirit could ever
have made use of that one remaining form of litera
ture ? Shall we tell our people that if certain
passages are a myth then the whole of the Bible is
untrue ? That would be a most dangerous course." 2
1 See Note C.
2 Report of the Canterbury Diocesan Conference, 1890, p. 41.
IV OF INSPIRATION 105
(2) Inspiration does not guarantee absolute im
munity from error in matters of science or fact or
history. Thus, for example, the narrative of crea
tion in the first chapter of Genesis, while it presents
a most remarkable counterpart to the discoveries of
science, cannot be said to tally precisely with the
records written in the rocks, so far at any rate as
they have been read at present. Nor need we be
troubled if it does not, nor strive anxiously for a
literal harmony. God's two great books of the Bible
and of Nature each contain truths which are not and
could not be communicated by the other. Each of
them must be studied by the help of the light which
is thrown upon it by the other, but the purpose and the
limitations peculiar to each must never be forgotten.
Again, in the department of history, the decipher
ment of the cuneiform inscriptions, while it has
illustrated the Old Testament from many points of
view and confirmed its accuracy in not a few instances,
makes it plain that the biblical chronology is far from
exact, and must in many cases be corrected by the help
of the more precise Assyrian system of reckoning.1
1 It sometimes appears to be assumed that the use of the Old
Testament by our Lord and His Apostles is an attestation of its
absolute historical accuracy. It may therefore not be superfluous
to quote Paley's words on this point.
' ' Undoubtedly our Saviour assumes the Divine origin of the
Mosaic institution . . . and recognises the prophetic character of many
of the ancient writers [of the Jews]. So far therefore we are bound
as Christians to go. But to make Christianity answerable with its
life for the circumstantial truth of each separate passage of the Old
Testament, the genuineness of every book, the information, fidelity,
and judgment of every writer in it, is to bring, I will not say great
106 NEGATIVE CHARACTERISTICS
(3) Inspiration does not exclude imperfection
and relativity and accommodation. The Old Tes
tament is not an instantaneous, complete, final
communication of absolute truth. What holds good
of God's revelation of Himself to Israel, must hold
good of the record of it. The failure to bear this in
mind has given rise to much misunderstanding. Take
one or two illustrations. Human sacrifice cannot be
acceptable to God ; yet in an age when human sacri
fices were common, Abraham's faith could be tested
by the command to slay his son. No trial could so
unmistakably have exhibited the unswerving loyalty
of his devotion to Jehovah, and in relation to the
circumstances of the time the command and the
readiness to obey it are alike intelligible, and the
record of it is preserved in the Bible without fear of
its being misunderstood.
In an age when wars of extermination were
but unnecessary difficulties into the whole system. These books
were universally read and received by the Jews of our Saviour's
time. He and His Apostles, in common with all other Jews
referred to them, alluded to them, used them.
. . . "In this view, our Scriptures afford a valuable testimony to
those of the Jews. But the nature of this testimony ought to be
understood. It is surely very different from what it is sometimes
represented to be, a specific ratification of each particular fact and
opinion ; and not only of each particular fact, but of the motives
assigned for every action, together with the judgment of praise or
dispraise bestowed upon them. ... A reference in the New Testament
to a passage in the Old does not so fix its authority as to exclude
all inquiry into its credibility, or into the separate reasons upon
which that credibility is founded, and it is an unwarrantable as well
as unsafe rule to lay down concerning the Jewish history, what was
never laid down concerning any other, that either every particulai
of it must be true, or the whole false." — Evidences, Part iii. ch. 3.
iv OF INSPIRATION 107
common and not repugnant to the moral sense, the
Israelites could be employed as the executioners of a
judgment upon the Canaanites which they richly
deserved ; but it does not follow that the form which
that judgment took is one which was meant for the
admiration, still less for the imitation, of later ages.
In days when no distinction was made between
evil and the evil man, and when the triumph of
evil seemed to mean the defeat of God's kingdom
and the withdrawal of His sovereignty from the
world, men could pray for the destruction of their
enemies, and their prayers are preserved even in the
most spiritual part of the inspired volume.
The form in each case was relative to the ideas
and circumstances and limitations of the age ; but
inspiration records them as lessons of unquestioning
devotion, of inevitable judgment upon irremediable
profligacy, of the duty of moral indignation and un
compromising hatred of evil. The truth, the Divine
and eternal truth, is there if we will look for it,
beneath the outward form which belongs to the cir
cumstances of the age.
We raise untold and insoluble difficulties for our
selves if we fail to recognise to the full that the
Bible is not homogeneous in all its parts, but is the
record of a gradual and progressive revelation which
was made known to men by slow degrees as they
could bear it ; and that inspiration has not obliterated
the steps of progress and raised all to one uniform
standard, but shows us, for our instruction, God's
108 THE LIVING LECT.
untiring patience in the gradual education of His
people, and through them of the human race.
The caution is not unnecessary, for the old Jewish
error of bibliolatry has survived into modern times
There have been those who have treated the Bible
as an end, and not a means. They have searched
the Scriptures as though they thought that in them
they had eternal life. They have "set up their
theory of Holy Scripture against the Divine purpose
of it," and in their zeal for their theory have almost
lost sight of the cardinal fact, that that purpose is to
lead us to know God, and God in Christ.
Thus, then, even if it should come to be the
generally received opinion that the Law was not
written by Moses, but codified in its present form
by Ezra and the priests after the Eeturn from
Babylon; even if we should have to believe that
the teaching of the prophets preceded the discipline
of the Law, and was its foundation rather than its
interpretation ; even if we should be compelled to
admit, with whatever regret, that we possess few,
if any, relics of the poetry of him whose name is
most closely associated with the Psalter; even if
we should be forced to acknowledge that what we
once supposed to be literal history is but " truth
embodied in a tale," and that some parts of the
history have been coloured by the conceptions of
the age in which it was written long after the
events themselves, like the work of a mediaeval
painter depicting the scenes of the first century
iv BOOK 109
with the scenery and dress of the sixteenth ; even
if there are some books which we find it hard
to fit into their place as parts of the record of
revelation, and in which we cannot easily discern
the marks of inspiration ; even if all this should
come to be so — and I am very far from thinking
myself that the extreme views with regard to date
and character of some of the books of the Old
Testament which are now put forward in some
quarters will long hold their ground in the face
of sober criticism — in spite of all that has been
or will be said to depreciate the Old Testament,
the life is there. The Book lives. The Church
accepts it upon the authority of Christ and His
Apostles, and with whatever occasional and tem
porary intermissions of care and regard, she will
continue to accept and use it, and will — so we
are convinced — learn through the attacks of enemies
as well as through the labours of friends, to under
stand it more truly, and value it more worthily.
In conclusion, let me commend to your reflection
the double proof of the inspiration of the Old Testa
ment which is to be derived from the essential
unity which characterises it, and from the response
of the soul to its message. Of the first of these
proofs I have already spoken incidentally, but I
should like to sum up and emphasise what I
have said by the quotation of words more weighty
and eloquent than my own could possibly be.
" The Bible," writes Bishop Westcott in The Bible
110 THE TWOFOLD PROOF LECT.
in the Church,1 " contains in itself the fullest witness
to its Divine authority. If it appears that a large
collection of fragmentary records, written, with few
exceptions, without any designed connexion, at most
distant times and under the most varied circum
stances, yet combine to form a definite whole,
broadly separated from other books ; if it further
appear that these different parts when interpreted
historically reveal a gradual progress of social
spiritual life, uniform at least in its general direc
tion ; if without any intentional purpose they offer
not only remarkable coincidences in minute details
of facts, for that is a mere question of accurate
narration, but also subtle harmonies of comple
mentary doctrine ; if in proportion as they are felt
to be separate they are felt also to be instinct with
a common spirit ; then it will be readily acknow
ledged that however they came into being first,
however they were united afterwards into the
sacred volume, they are yet legibly stamped with
the Divine seal as 'inspired by God' in a sense
in which no other writings are."
The proof of the Divine inspiration of the Bible
which is derived from the essential unity of spirit
which characterises it in spite of the manifold
diversity in form and substance of its different
parts is confirmed by the response of the soul to
its message, or perhaps we should rather say, by
the marvellous way in which, by the consentient
1 P. 14.
rv OF INSPIRATION 111
testimony of one generation of Christians after
another, its message finds the human soul. Let
me borrow the well-known words of Coleridge,
in his Letters on the Inspiration of the Scriptures?
to express this thought. After telling us how he
had re-perused the books of the Old and New
Testament — each book as a whole, and also as an
integral part, — he continues thus —
"Need I say that I have met everywhere more
or less copious sources of truth, and power, and
purifying impulses; that I have found words for
my inmost thoughts, songs for my joy, utterances
for my hidden griefs, and pleadings for my shame
and my feebleness? In short, whatever finds me,
bears witness for itself that it has proceeded from
a Holy Spirit, even from the same Spirit, which
remaining in itself, yet rcgenerateth all other poiuers,
and in all ages entering into holy souls makcth them
friends of God and prophets (Wisdom, vii. 27)."
In such wise then will come to the devout and
loving student of Holy Scripture a continuous
personal verification, of its inspiration in the ex
perience of life.
Thy ivord is a lamp unto my feet, and light unto
my path.
1 Letter i.
LECTURE V
THE USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE
CimiSTIAN CHURCH
fypd<pr) d£ irpbs vovdeaiav T?yitu)z>, ets oOs rd T^\?? r&v
]Kw. — 1 COR. x. 11.
THE permanent value of the Old Testament for the
Christian Church is attested in the New Testament
even more by the use made of it than by positive
statement. Positive statements there are of the
most definite kind. Think not, said the Lord
Himself as He promulgated in the Mount the
law of His new kingdom, that I came to destroy
the law or the prophets ; I came not to destroy but
to fulfil. There may have been some among His
audience who thought that He who came from
God with a new message for mankind would begin
His work by abrogating the laws and superseding
the teaching of the old order. There have been
those, both within and without the Christian Church,
who have virtually or explicitly maintained that He
did so. But such was not the Divine method. The
Old Testament was not as it were the scaffolding
LECT. v THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE NEW 113
necessary for the erection of the Christian Church,
needing to be taken down in order that the full
symmetry and beauty of the building may be seen.
It is an integral part of the structure. The Prophets
as well as the Apostles are the foundation upon which
the Christian Church is built. In all the many parts
and many fashions of the revelation made to Israel
it was God Himself who spoke, and no Divine Word
can be without some measure of permanent sig
nificance in virtue of the Divine truth which it
contains, albeit that truth may be embodied in a
form which is local and temporary. The new
order must preserve and develop all that was
essential in the old. The Old Testament leads
up to Christ, and Christ takes it and puts it back
into our hands as a completed whole. He bids us
study it as ' fulfilled ' in Him, and " put ourselves
to school with every part of it." The old lesson-
book is not to be thrown away or kept merely
as an archaeological curiosity. It is to be re-studied
in the light of the further revelation of Christ's life
and teaching and work.
What the Lord Himself affirmed His Apostles
continued to teach after His departure. Whatsoever
things were written aforetime, says St. Paul as he
quotes a passage from the Psalms, were written for
our learning, that through patience and through
comfort of the scriptures we might hare hope (Rom.
xv. 4). These things, says St. Paul again, with
reference to the history of the Israelites in the
I
114 THE USE OF THE OLD LECT
wilderness, happened unto them by way of example ;
and they were written for our admonition, upon whom
the ends of the ages are come (1 Cor. x. 11).
Once more, in a letter which derives an especial
solemnity from the fact that it was written in the
prospect of approaching martyrdom, and is as it
were his last will and testament to his disciple,
St. Paul points Timothy to the Old Testament
Scriptures as a safeguard and security co-ordinate
with the apostolic teaching which he had received,
to confirm his steadfastness in the faith under the
stress of persecution and prevalent false teaching;
and he takes occasion to add an emphatic testimony
to the permanent value of every inspired scripture
for the instruction of the Christian Church. Abide
thon in the things which thou hast learned and hast
been assured of, knowing of whom thou hast learned
them; and that from a babe thou hast known the
sacred writings which are able to make thcc wise
unto salvation through faith which is in Christ Jesus.
Every scripture inspired of God is also profitable for
teaching, for reproof, for correction, for instruction
which is in righteousness : that the man of God may
be complete, furnished completely unto every good work
(2 Tim. iii. 14-17).
But more emphatically even than by direct state
ments do Evangelists and Apostles bear witness by
their large and constant use of the Old Testament,
that they regarded it as having a permanent value
and authority for the Christian Church, and as con-
v TESTAMENT IN THE NEW 115
taining a depth and fulness of meaning, which could
only be understood gradually in the light of the con
summation of Christ's life and work. The familiar
saying of St. Augustine, Velus Testamentum in Now
paid, "The Old Testament is explained in the
New," receives manifold illustration from almost
every page of the New Testament, and sums up
the spirit in which the writings of the old dis
pensation are treated. The spiritual life of our
Lord not less than of the Apostles was fed and
nourished upon the Old Testament. It furnished
Him and them with weapons against the tempter
and with consolations in the hour of sharpest
agony. It supplied them with argument and
challenge in the controversy with those who denied
His Messiahship. It is the source of the imagery
by which thought and imagination are stimulated
and carried forward to the glories of heaven and
the final consummation of all things.
The use of the Old Testament in the New is a
subject^ worthy of the closest study, as tin-owing a
flood of light upon the deeper meaning of the Old
Testament. There are indeed instances in which at
first sight quotations seem to be merely verbal and
superficial, reflecting the methods of the Jewish
schools ; but a closer examination will always, it is
believed, reveal some underlying principle which
explains the quotation, and makes it an example of
the deeper sense of Scripture. The sober and reason
able use of the Old Testament in the New forms a
116 ALLEGED NEGLECT OF LECT,
striking and instructive contrast to the arbitrary
allegorical system of interpretation which is to be
found in contemporary Jewish writings, such as
those of the Alexandrian Philo, or in the earliest
post-apostolic Christian writings, such as the Epistle
of Barnabas.
It mi<»iit indeed be asked whether this was not
O
merely a transitional stage, while the New Testament
was non-existent, and whether, when the apostolic
writings had been collected and recognised by the
Christian Church as an inspired authority, they did
not supersede the Old Testament. Of such an idea
there is no hint in the New Testament. " When the
Epistle to the Hebrews was written, it might have
seemed that there was nothing for the Christian to
do, but either to cling to the letter of the Jewish
Bible or to reject it altogether. But the Church was
more truly instructed by the voice of the Spirit ; and
the answer to the anxious questionings of the first
age which the Epistle contains has become part of
our inheritance. We know now, with an assurance
which cannot be shaken, that the Old Testament is
an essential part of our Christian Bible. We know
that the Law is neither a vehicle and a veil for
spiritual mysteries, as Philo thought, nor a delusive
riddle, as is taught in the Epistle of Barnabas." 1
So writes the Bishop of Durham ; yet we are told
that in the present day the Old Testament is not
seldom neglected, and we know but too well that
1 Bishop Westcott, Hebrews, p. 492.
V THE OLD TESTAMENT 117
it has been grievously misunderstood and misinter
preted in past times. "A theory/' wrote Professor
Cheyne in the Contemporary Review not long ago,
"is already propounded both in private and in a
naive, simple way in sermons, that the Old Testament
is of no particular moment, all that we need being
the New Testament, which has been defended by
our valiant apologists, and expounded by our admir
able interpreters." l Hear another witness from the
Non conformist bodies. " Quite a dangerous neglect
of the Old Testament," wrote Principal Cave in the
same periodical a little later on, " that unique literary
monument of the past world, has characterised Chris
tian thinking all too long. I have even heard of a
prominent Nonconformist minister so preferring the
New Testament to the Old in reading lessons, as to
use in public no part of the Old Testament except
the Psalms. And even where the Old Testament has
not been ignored, too frequently its poetry has been
spiritualised beyond recognition, and its prose has
been wholly removed from its historical setting ;
whilst as for its magnificent prophecy, it has been
rendered unintelligible by crude extravagance." 2
Such a neglect of the Old Testament, if these state
ments are justified by facts, is a most serious and
dangerous symptom. It is an unfaithfulness to the
spirit of the teaching of Christ and His Apostles
which can be nothing less than disastrous to the
1 Contemporary Review, August 1889, p. 232
3 Ibid., April 1S90, p. 538.
118 CAUSES OF THE NEGLECT LEOT,
building up of the Christian Church, as well as to
the growth and establishment of the faith of its
individual members. It is true that we in the
Church of England are preserved by the possession
of our lectionary from an entire disuse of the Old
Testament; yet it may be questioned whether it
forms as large a part of our ordinary teaching as it
ought to do. How many sermons on the Old Testa
ment are preached in most churches in the course of
a year ? I do not mean sermons on texts from the
Old Testament, using Old Testament words in a
Christian sense, irrespective of their original mean
ing and context ; but sermons showing the provi
dential purpose, and enforcing the specific lessons of
the Old Testament. I do not know that we have
improved as we ought to have done since Bishop
Patteson wrote in 1869, only two years before his
martyrdom : —
" Every day convinces me more and more of the
need of a different mode of teaching than that usually
adopted for imperfectly taught people. . . . Who
teaches in ordinary parishes the Christian use of the
Psalms ? Who puts simply before peasant and stone
cutter the Jew and his religion, and what he and it
were intended to be, and the real error and sin and
failure ? — the true nature of prophecy, the progressive
teaching of the Bible, never in any age compromising
- truth, but never ignoring the state, so often the un-
receptive state, of those to whom the truth must
therefore be presented partially, and in a manner
v OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 119
adapted to rude and unspiritual natures ? What an
amount of preparatory teaching is needed ! What
labour must be spent in struggling to bring forth
things new and old, and present things simply before
the indolent, unthinking, vacant mind ! ... It is
such downright hard work to teach well." l
To what then is this comparative neglect of the
Old Testament due ? Partly perhaps to the feeling,
in itself true and right, that the New Testament, as
the special charter of the Christian Church, demands
our first and most careful attention, and that its
teaching is at once more spiritual and more readily
intelligible ; while the Old Testament is largely con
cerned with a bygone order of things, and is vast and
vague and obscure of interpretation.
But we cannot with impunity neglect a whole
region of our inheritance, if some pains are needed
to explore it and labour in it before we can reap its
harvest. We cannot be content with the produce of
the ground which seems — but only seems — to be
ready to yield fruit of itself, without strenuous effort
on our part.
Partly, again, neglect may be the Nemesis of mis
use. It may in certain quarters be due to a reaction
from that unlimited licence of interpretation which
has too often converted the Old Testament into some
thing little better than a playground for the exercise
of a curious ingenuity, and pointed the contemptuous
sarcasm of the epigrammatist —
1 Life of J. G. Patteson, vol ii. p. 374.
120 VAGUE LISCT.
" Hie liber est in quo quaerit sua dogmata quisque,
Invcnit et pariter dogmata quisque sua.'3
Men have invented their theories of the double, the
triple, the quadruple sense of Holy Scripture, nay
they have lost themselves in a whole " forest of
senses," and have imposed their own arbitrary
meanings on the sacred text, instead of striving
patiently and prayerfully so to train and educate the
ears of their understanding, that they might hear the
voice of God speaking to them through its words.
I do not mean for a moment to say that there is no
" deeper sense " of the Old Testament, or that God
has not spoken to men through His Word even when
they have most strangely misinterpreted it. But each
age has its own methods of study and temper of
thought. The methods of the present day are his
torical and scientific, and the temper of modern
thought leads many to revolt against the mystical
treatment of the Old Testament. There is a danger
lest the revolt should lead to disuse instead of to
the endeavour to substitute for an arbitrary alle
gorising that sober historical interpretation which
appears to be the work to which our age is specially
called.
But in addition to these causes there is a third
which is beginning to be widely operative. There
is a vague suspicion floating about that the " higher
criticism " has raised a host of questions about the
date and composition and character of the books of
the Old Testament, which must be settled before we
V SUSPICIONS 121
can use it again with any confidence, or which, it is
supposed, have been already settled, or are on the
high road to being settled, in such a way that the
Old Testament must be thrown aside as a discredited
book.
Such an attitude is, as I have already shown, a
desertion of the teaching and the example of the
New Testament. It is inconsistent with the courage
which is born of faith. It is a distrust of the pro
mise that the Holy Spirit, by whose inspiration we
believe those ancient Scriptures to have been given,
is still present with the Church to guide us into all
the truth, and to enable us to retain old truths in
the light of new discoveries. It is a neglect of the
apostolic precept to prove all things, and hold fast
that which is good. It may be that many of the
problems raised with regard to the Old Testament do
not admit of solution ; but I am sure that the way
to approach them is neither with the fierce denuncia
tion of unreasoning panic nor with the blind accept
ance of unreasoning admiration. There are large
parts of the Old Testament which are practically
unaffected for Christian use by present critical con
troversies; there are other parts in regard to which
the newer views will probably soon win their way
to general acceptance ; and for the rest, we must not
let critical uncertainties paralyse us and hinder us
from the use of the Book which cannot be foregone
without loss to ourselves and the Church. The Old
Testament has been placed in the hands of the
122 USES OF THE OLD TESTAMENT LECT.
Christian Church by our Lord and His Apostles,
and commended to our diligent study ; and while
we maintain that it is the duty of those who can do
so to pursue every method of investigation which
will throw light upon the Bible, we need not fear
that the simplest student who approaches it in the
spirit of Christ will be misled or deceived in any
essential matter.
The Bible has been compared to a great Church
which it needed some fifteen centuries to build. " Of
that temple the Old Testament is the nave, with its
side aisles of psalm and prophecy ; and the Gospels
are the choir — the last Gospel, perhaps, the very
sanctuary ; while around and behind are the Apos
tolic Epistles and the Apocalypse, each a gem of
beauty, each supplying an indispensable feature to
the majestic whole." ] Now if I may develop that
figure, it is not essential for the ordinary spectator
to know at what precise date each part of the Church
was built, still less from what quarry the stones were
brought, or whether old materials from some earlier
Church were incorporated in parts of the building.
He can learn the lessons of grandeur and beauty, of
holiness and devotion, which the whole building
teaches ; he can see how it reflects the mind and
purpose of its architects, even without this detailed
knowledge, though the knowledge may add to his
intelligent wonder and appreciation, and is essential
for the study of the history and development of archi-
1 Canon Liddon, Sermon on the Worth of the Old Testament, p. 29,
v IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 128
lecture. And so surely it is with the Old Testament.
It is important, with a view to the study of the
history and development of the religion of Israel, to
fix the relative dates of the writings contained in the
Old Testament, and the student must labour patiently
at the task. But there is much, very much, that the
Old Testament has to teach us which is independent
of questions of date and authorship, and we must not
abandon the attempt to learn the lessons, until all
the problems which await solution are satisfactorily
decided. For most knowledge is progressive, and it
is only through tentative efforts and partial failures
that progress is secured ; and it is often true that we
learn more in the process of learning than from the
lesson when it is learnt.
Let me now endeavour to suggest some of the
ways in which the Old Testament is to be studied,
some of the uses of it which can never become ob
solete in the Christian Church.
(1) There is the historic use. The Old Testa
ment is the historic foundation of Christianity, the
record of the long, patient, manifold preparation for
the Incarnation. I have said already that the Old
Testament can never be understood unless it is
studied from this point of view ; but, further, it
is difficult to overestimate the importance for the
Christian Church of the constant study of it in this
aspect. It is hardly possible to imagine what the
difficulty of belief in the stupendous miracle of the
Incarnation would have been, if it had come as a
124 THE HISTORIC USE LECT.
sudden isolated event in the world's history, and not
as the consummation and the interpretation of a
unique national life, recorded in an equally unique
national literature. As it is, the marvel of the In
carnation, with all its infinite significance, stands
buttressed on the one side by the history of the Jew
ish Church, on the other side by the history of the
Christian Church. The one leads up to it, the other
springs out of it ; it accounts for both, and is attested
by both. The Old Testament " does not merely con
tain prophecies ; it is from first to last a prophecy."
This mode of studying the Old Testament is in fact
the study of the argument from prophecy. That
argument has sometimes been sadly misused. Its
exponents have too often been content to point to a
few striking passages, some of which will not bear
the interpretation put upon them when they are
critically examined, instead of patiently showing how
little by little God disciplined His people, and taught
them by the types of King and Prophet and Priest
and Servant, and awakened in them the longing for
a fuller knowledge of Him, and a real assurance of
pardon for sin and cleansing of the heart, and some
illumination of the dark mystery of the grave, until
Christ came and fulfilled all and more than all.
We are familiar with the idea of the ' fulfilment '
of prophecy. But that idea is often unduly limited.
Prophecy is not "inverted history." It was not a
reflection beforehand by which men could foreknow
what was to come. It was rather the seed and germ
v OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 125
out of which in due time plant and flower and fruit
were to be developed. Prophecy kept men's eyes
fixed upon the future ; it created a sense of need ; it
stirred deep and earnest longings ; it stimulated
hope. And then, at length, the fulfilment came, and
gathered into one unimagined reality all the various
lines of thought and longing and hope, in a complete
ness and a glory far transcending all anticipation.
The fulfilment could not have been conjectured from
the prophecy, any more than the oak tree could,
apart from experience, be conjectured from the
acorn ; but as the oak tree can be seen in the acorn,
so the fulfilment can be seen in the prophecy. It
answers to it, and bears witness to the working of
the one Divine purpose, steadily moving towards its
final goal of man's redemption. ' Fulfilment ' does not
exhaust prophecy. It interprets it, and gathers up its
scattered elements into a new combination, possessing
fresh and abiding and ever-increasing significance.
But perhaps it may be thought that this historic
study of the Old Testament as the preparation for
Christ's coming may be safely left to professed
apologists, whose business it is to provide arguments
for the defence of the faith. It is a most fatal mis
take to think so. At no time, least of all at the
present time, can believers afford to neglect the use
of any means in their power for the confirmation of
their own faith, and thereby of the faith of others.
And this is an argument the force of which is most
felt by each as he studies it for himself. It is an
126 USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT LECT
argument which can to some extent be appreciated
by all, though it can scarcely be mastered in all its
fulness by any one. I am sure that those of us
who are teachers ought to study it more and teacli
it more. The quiet exposition of truth is often its
best defence. We remember how the poet describes
the beloved disciple meeting the heresies which
began to spring up in his old age by the calm
rehearsal of the simple facts : —
" Patient I stated much of the Lord's life
Forgotten or misdelivered, and let it work."
And so it will surely be with the exposition of the
Old Testament preparation for that life. We need to
re-state patiently much that has been " forgotten or
misdelivered " and to " let it work." The argument
from prophecy is neither exploded nor exhausted.
(2) The study of the Old Testament is indispens
able for the right interpretation of the New Testa
ment. The language of the New Testament is Greek,
but it is the Greek which has been wedded to
Hebrew thought in the Septuagint Version of the
Old Testament, and it cannot be rightly understood
without constant reference to that Version and to
the Hebrew which underlies it. The theological
ideas of the New Testament have their root in
the Old Testament, and must be studied there if
we would fully understand them. Terms such as
righteousness, justification, holiness, sin, propitiation,
sacrifice, atonement, are not new coinages. They
v FOR THE INTERPRETATION OF THE NEW 127
have already a history when they are adopted, with
whatever modification or expansion of meaning, in
the New Testament.
How, again, can we understand the full signifi
cance of our Lord's work unless we study it in relation
to the various elements of the preparation for His
coming ? How, for example, can we appreciate the
force of words like these ? Our Saviour Christ Jesus,
who abolished death, and brought life and incorruption
to light through the gospel (2 Tim. i. 10); or these:
that through death . . . he might deliver all them who
through fear of death were all their lifetime subject to
bondage (Heb. ii. 15), if we do not learn from the
study of the Old Testament with what a leaden
weight the mystery of the grave pressed upon men's
souls under the old dispensation ; a mystery which
could only be solved with full assurance of personal
hope in the triumph of Christ's Resurrection.
Some of these questions may be thought chiefly
to concern those who are specially called to devote
their time to the study and interpretation of the
Bible, rather than those who, in the press of work
and daily duties, can only give a limited time to it.
But there is one aspect in which I think that the
study of the Old Testament has a most important
bearing on the interpretation of the New Testa
ment in relation to Christian faith and hope for
all of us. There are times, I suppose, when most of
us feel faint-hearted about the prospects of the
Church of Christ, perplexed to know how the kingdom
128 THE LESSON OF LECT.
of Christ is ever to become universally triumpliant,
at a loss to imagine how that final consummation oi
all tilings can ever be reached, when God shall be
all in all. We are familiar with the wise saying
of that great student of the Bible and of history,
Bishop Lightfoot, that " the best cordial for drooping
spirits is the study of history." It is true ; and the
most accessible form of this cordial for most of us
is the study of history as it is recorded for us
in the pages of the Old Testament. For there we
can read in simple language the story of the great
Divine purpose gradually being wrought out in spite
of human weakness and human perversity, nay,
overruling them to its own ends. Israel had not
courage to take the straight road to Canaan; but it
was brought there in the end, despite its cowardice,
and on the way it was taught lessons of perpetual
significance. Israel had not faith to live under the
protection of an Unseen Ruler, and the absolute
theocracy had to be exchanged for the theocratic
kingdom ; but that kingdom was made the means of
teaching successive generations to look forward to a
true arid perfect kingdom. Israel as a nation became
hopelessly apostate from its God ; it must die in the
Exile. But God's people was immortal. The oath
of Israel's Holy One could not be broken. Art not
thou from everlasting, 0 Lord my God, mine Holy
One? we shall not die (Hab. i. 12). And in the
Return a chastened remnant was raised to a new
and purer life, Everywhere we mark the unbaffled
v DIVINE PURPOSE 129
patience of God, bringing about His purpose, though
man delays it by refusing to fulfil his part in the
great design, nay resists it to the utmost of his
feeble power; and as we read and ponder, we are
strengthened to believe that it is so now, and will
be so for ever.
As we compare fulfilment with prophecy, and
mark how the fulfilment unites, in ways unexpected
and unimaginable, various elements of prophecy
which seemed incompatible, different lines of thought
which seemed when examined for a short distance
only at any particular point, to be parallel, and
not convergent ; we learn a lesson of inestimable
instruction for our view of the ultimate consumma
tion of God's purposes in the future. We learn that
it is our duty to hold firmly and faithfully to every
element of revealed truth, not abandoning one part
of it because it is unwelcome, or because it seems to
us, in our limited view of it, and to our finite capaci
ties, to be irreconcilable with another part of it, but
clinging fast to all, in the assurance that there will
be an ultimate and complete reconciliation of all in
" The one far-off divine event
To which the whole creation moves."
When we realise, I repeat, how marvellously fulfil
ment transcended prophecy, we are strengthened to
believe with confident hope that as it has been, so it
will be ; and we may rest assured that the consum
mation of the Divine purposes will be not less but
K
130 NATIONAL AND LEOT,
more glorious and complete than we dare to hope or
fancy.
(3) But beside the evidential value of the Old
Testament, beside its manifold importance for the
interpretation of the New Testament, it has a per
manent practical value for teaching, for reproof, for
correction, for instruction which is in righteousness.
This of course is commonly admitted ; yet I doubt if
the distinctive value and the specific lessons of the
Old Testament are as fully recognised as they should
be. It contains many lessons which are not repeated
but assumed in the New Testament ; or which, if
repeated, are "writ large" in the Old Testament
under different circumstances and with distinct illus
trations. The national lessons of the Old Testament
are not, and could not be, repeated in the New.
Take, for example, the ideas of national solidarity
and the continuity of national life, which are so
strongly emphasised in the prophets and the Psalms,
and the recognition of which is so essential to their
right understanding. The ' personality ' of the
nation, its calling, its functions, its relation to God
as a nation, are ideas which are presented with a
living force in the Old Testament. The life, the
personality, the character of the nation pass from
generation to generation down the centuries. The
individuality of the members of the nation is an im
portant truth which only came to be fully understood
by slow degrees ; but individualism is not the whole
truth, and the Old Testament reminds us of the com-
v SOCIAL LESSONS 131
plementary truth, that the individual is but a member
of the larger whole, which has a life, a character, a
duty, and a destiny peculiarly its own.
No doubt this truth reappears in the New Testa
ment in the doctrine of the Christian Church ; but
are we right in regarding the nation of Israel simply
as the prototype of the Christian Church, in spiritual
ising, as is so commonly done, all that is said of
Israel, and applying it either by analogy to the in
dividual life, or generally to the Church? Are
there not still distinctive lessons to be learnt for
national life and conduct from the ideal offered
to Israel and the laws by which its progress towards
that ideal was to be regulated ?
(4) Socialism is in the air all round us, with many
noble aspirations for a better state of society and
truer relations of man to man, mingled with many
crude and chimerical ideas as to the means by
which the end is to be attained, and not seldom
proposing to right an old wrong by the perpetration
of a new one. Is it not at least possible that there
are some principles exhibited in the divinely ordered
commonwealth of Israel, and emphasised in the
social teaching of the prophets, which need to be
brought to light, and applied to the solution of our
present difficulties ?
(5) I need say but little of the personal lessons
which the Old Testament offers. Yet it is worth while
to remark that some religious ideas are more readily
apprehended in their more elementary forms ; and
132 PRACTICAL AND LECT,
that the prophets enforce simple lessons of man's
duty to God and his neighbours, which can never be
obsolete. To do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk
humbly with thy God is a practical code of ethics and
religion which would regenerate the world. In this
connexion let rne quote words which are true in a
deeper sense than their author would himself have
admitted. "As long as the world lasts, all who
want to make progress in righteousness will come to
Israel for inspiration, as to the people who have
had the sense for righteousness most glowing and
strongest ; and in hearing and reading the words
Israel has uttered for us, carers for conduct will find
a glow and a force they could find nowhere else.
As well imagine a man with a sense for sculpture
not cultivating it by the help of the remains of
Greek art, or a man with a sense for poetry not
cultivating it by the help of Homer and Shakespeare,
as a man with a sense for conduct not cultivating it
by the help of the Bible ! " *
Yes, it is true ! but why ? Is it not because One
greater than Israel is here ?
Again, do we sufficiently value the " exhilarating "
influence of Old Testament prophecy, and yield our
selves to its elevating power ? Imagination as well
as reason is the handmaid of religion, and I doubt if
we have cultivated the religious imagination as we
ought to have done by the help of the prophets.
The devotional value of the Psalter is of course
1 M. Arnold, Literature and Dogma, p. 42.
v DEVOTIONAL USE 133
universally acknowledged. I need hardly refer to
the ever fresh power of the Psalms as the language of
the soul outpouring its inmost self to God ; but there
is just one point to which I should like to refer.
Have we not lost the intense joyousness of the Old
Testament saints ? With all their limitations of
view and hope, with all that was hard and rough in
life, there is in the Psalter a perpetual strain of
gladness which puts us utterly to shame. It is
echoed in the New Testament; yet there, in the
Psalter, we seem to find it in all its fresh and bright
simplicity. We use the old words still ; yet have
we not lost something of the spirit, though God
should be nearer to us now in the light of the Incar
nation than He was in those early days, and heaven's
glory illuminates our path as it did not then ?
Is it necessary, in speaking of the use of the Old
Testament in the Christian Church, to add the
caution that the Old Testament is not the New ?
We must not fall into the error of confounding the
Testaments and supposing, as some have done, that
all Christian doctrine is contained already in the
Old Testament. We shall not appeal to the Old
Testament for the proof of distinctively Christian
doctrines, although we may find corroboration of
them there, and may recognise that much that was
unintelligible at the time was implicitly contained
in the Divine message. Novum Testamentum in
Vetere latet. Nor, again, shall we suppose that any
thing contrary to the mind of Christ can possibly be
134 FULFILMENT OF THE OLD LECT.
sanctioned for the Christian Church by an appeal to
the authority of the Old Testament.
For all the law and the prophets are valid for the
Christian Church only as they are 'fulfilled' in
Christ. 'Fulfilment' is not to be limited to pro
phecy only. When Christ said that He came to
fulfil the, law and the prophets He doubtless meant to
include the whole of the Old Testament Scriptures.
All those Scriptures, as the utterance of Divine truth
through human instruments, awaited a fulfilment,
and it is as interpreted by that fulfilment that they
are commended to the study of the Christian Church.
' Fulfilment ' is the completion of what was before
imperfect ; it is the realisation of what was shadowy ;
it is the development of what was rudimentary ; it is
the union of what was isolated and disconnected ; it is
the perfect growth from the antecedent germ. Christ
came to disengage eternal truths from the limited
forms in which they had been hitherto expressed ;
and He bids us look back upon those limited forms
in the light of His teaching and work, and discern
the eternal truths embodied in them. If we would
understand the principle of their interpretation we
must study the illustrations which Christ Himself
gives of what He meant by " fulfilling " the law and
the prophets. In them we see how He pierces
through the outward form to the Divine truth of
which the outward form was but the vehicle, how
He discloses and affirms the inward spirit, how He
raises all to the higher level of His own teaching.
V TESTAMENT IN THE NEW 135
Had the law forbidden murder ? The prohibition
rests ultimately on the principle of mutual love,
which must exclude even the spirit of hatred. Had
the law condemned adultery? That is but one
limited application of the principle of purity, which
must govern not merely action but thought. Had
the law prohibited perjury ? Fidelity to an oath- is
but one small part of the universal duty of truth
between man and man. Had the law enforced a
rough equality of justice by way of restraining
revenge? The true restraint of revenge is to be
found in the conquest of evil by self-sacrifice. Had
the law allowed a limitation of love to fellow-
countrymen and friends ? Human love is the reflec
tion of Divine love; Divine love is universal, and
henceforth human love must be universal too.
Thus in each case the underlying principle is
seized and enforced, and carried to its full develop
ment. The imperfect morality of an earlier age is
left behind ; the limited rules which were all that
men could bear at first, but which were designed to
raise them to higher things, are extended and ex
panded ; a new and generous spirit is infused into
the outward form.
Mark the emphatic assertion of the universality
of this fulfilment. Verily I say unto you, till heaven
and earth pass away, one jot or one tittle shall in
no wise pass away from the law, till all things be
accomplished (Matt. v. 18). There is no distinction
of ceremonial and moral law; no classification of
136 FULFILMENT OF THE OLD I.ECT.
precepts according to their supposed importance or
insignificance. All is the reflection of Divine truth;
all has its appointed purpose in its own time ; all is to
find its fulfilment. We may not be able to determine
the significance of every element any more than the
naturalist can explain the use of every physical organ,
but the general drift and purpose of the whole are clear.
And for the Christian Church this is the canon of
interpretation for the Old Testament. Very simple,
yet very comprehensive it is, this principle of the
spirit of Christ entering into the old order and
" fulfilling " it ; yet how strangely Christians in all
ages have ignored it ! What grievous scandals, nay
what monstrous crimes perpetrated in the name of
religion, would have been avoided if it had but been
realised as an unalterable and universal principle
that the Christian Church can never find authority
in the Old Testament for any act that is at variance
with the spirit of the Gospel. It is not our danger
now ; but it is an error which has been fruitful of
evils in past ages. It is, we are told, even now a
danger among new converts from heathenism.
When we turn from our Lord's teaching to that
of His Apostles we find everywhere that the Old
Testament is accepted as the natural inheritance of
the Christian Church ; and further, that the old
words are used in all the fresh intensity of meaning
with which the new revelation had shown them to
be instinct.
The life and death of Christ have given a deeper
v TESTAMENT IN THE NEW 137
insight into the holiness of God, a new standard and
motive for the holiness which He desires in man.
Yet the Christian's call to holiness of life can still be
enforced by an appeal to the authority of the old
Scriptures — It is written, Ye shall le holy ; for I am
holy (1 Pet. i. 16). Old promises can still be urged
as the ground for trustful contentedness (Heb. xiii. 5,
6), but they come with all the added force of Christ's
own teaching and example. The old exhortation to
recognise the loving hand of God in the discipline of
chastisement is still valid, but it receives fresh illu
mination from the revelation of the fatherhood of
God in Christ (Heb. xii. 5, 6). Old warnings of the
certain punishment which awaits a contemptuous
and wilful disregard of God's working in the world
are still significant, and they come with augmented
emphasis under new circumstances (Acts xiii. 40, 41).
Old laws of Divine government are still in force, but
it is in the higher sphere of spiritual experience that
they find their application (1 Cor. i. 19 ; iii. 19,
20). Words which of old expressed the principle of
stability for the life of nations are expanded to
convey a spiritual meaning, and express the essential
principle of the inner life (Rom. i. 17; Gal. iii. 11).
But what need is there to multiply instances? The
whole Old Testament is regarded as transfigured, deep
ened, spiritualised, not by the arbitrary imposition
upon its words of a sense which they do not bear, but
because, in the clearer light of Christ's fulfilment of
that old dispensation, they can and must convey to
138 FULFILMENT OF THE OLD LECT.
us more of that Divine truth which at best they can
but partially and imperfectly express.
This principle of 'fulfilment' is a far-reaching
and fruitful principle. Apply it to the teaching of
which the Old Testament is full, concerning sin and
righteousness and judgment, " the cardinal elements
in the determination of man's spiritual state," con
cerning which the Advocate comes to convict the
world (John xvi. 8). The old words cannot for us
have simply their ' original sense.' They must speak
with augmented depth and solemnity to those who
have seen the condemnation of sin and the standard
of righteousness and the declaration of judgment set
forth in the life and death and resurrection of Christ
(Eom. iii. 25, 26).
Those glowing words in which the Psalmists ex
press their calm confidence in the loving care of God,
their passionate yearnings for a closer approach to
His presence, their wonderful sense that man's only
true happiness consists in fellowship with Him,
though athwart it all lies the dark shadow of the
breach of that communion by death, — a shadow which
in moments of exultant hopefulness seems to be dis
persed by a ray of the coming light, only to return
again with all its chilling horror, — those marvellous
outbursts of praise in which all creation is joined in
one jubilant harmony of adoration ; do they not all
flash and sparkle for us with a new glory in the
light of Christ's revelation of the Father, since the
Son of God is come, and hath given w an under-
v TESTAMENT IN THE NEW 139
standing, that we know Him that is true, and that
dark shadow of death has been for ever banished
since He has overcome death and opened unto us the
gate of everlasting life ?
Christ puts the Old Testament into the hands of
His Church, and bids her interpret and use it as
' fulfilled ' in Him. The truth is simple and familiar,
and yet it is worth while to insist upon it, because
it is just the truth which will enable us to look with
calmness and patience upon the critical investigations
which are causing pain and anxiety to many who
love God's Holy Word. It is independent of those
investigations ; it rises above them into a higher
sphere ; it is not antagonistic to them nor they to it.
Critical research must be fearlessly, patiently, and
honestly pursued. We must be prepared to accept
its results when they have stood the test of searching
cross-examination. But critical research cannot
shake or overthrow the certainty that our Lord bids us
take the Old Testament for our spiritual instruction
as ' fulfilled ' in Him ; interpreted, spiritualised, and
endowed with living force and power in the light of
the Revelation which He came to be and to manifest.
The 'deeper meaning' in the words of Holy
Scripture is not, however, to be gained by arbitrary
allegorising, or by private interpretations of isolated
phrases torn from their context, but by patient study
of the methods in which God spake in the prophets
to the fathers of old time, illuminated by the message
which He has in these latter days communicated in
140 FULFILMENT OF THE OLD LECT.
the person of His Son. And that there is such a
deeper meaning is no matter for surprise. How,
indeed, could it be otherwise? It was God who
spake in the prophets ; it is God who speaks in a Son.
Every Divine word must be of eternal import.
God's truth does not vary ; there is no mutability of
purpose in the eternal present of the Divine mind.
As in creation so in revelation
" Was and is and will be, are but is.
But we that are not all,
As parts, can see but parts, now this now that,
And live perforce from thought to thought."
Human words, even inspired words, can express
no more than some infinitesimal fragment of the
infinite mind of God. But any worthy conception of
inspiration must at least include this idea, that the
inspired words so correspond to the Divine truth
which they reveal that they are capable of disclosing
more and more of it as men are able to receive it.
Man could only be educated by degrees. The
childhood of the race, like the childhood of the
individual, must be taught as it could bear it. But
the lessons of childhood grow with advancing years.
Words cannot continue to mean for us only what
they meant at first. They must expand with the
expanding mind.
God's great book of Nature remains unchanged ;
but it speaks to men with different voices in suc
cessive ages. A Copernicus, a Newton, a Darwin
v TESTAMENT IN THE NEW 141
arises, and points out new laws which co-ordinate
and explain phenomena, and Nature's lessons can be
read more clearly. The words of the poet, the works
of the painter, contain and teach more of truth and
beauty than poet or painter knew or intended them
selves, for the intuition of genius perceives truth
unconsciously, and records it for those who come
after to interpret.
So the old words of revelation, because they were
the reflection of the Divine mind and will, contained
a larger meaning in them than was at once per
ceptible ; and Christ has come and fulfilled them,
infused new force and meaning into them, shown us
how they express more of the grace and truth which
He came to bring in all its fulness. It is not that
the words of the Old Testament " palter with us in
a double sense." It is that the Word of God is
living and energetic, possessed, in virtue of its
essential nature, of a springing and germinant
vitality.
I have endeavoured in these lectures to present
some idea of the views with regard to the origin of
the Old Testament on its human side to which
modern study and research are leading us. I have
endeavoured to express my strong conviction that
these views are not incompatible with a firm and
full belief in its Divine inspiration, though it is no
longer a verbal and mechanical inspiration, but a
vitalising and " dynamic " inspiration which must be
142 THE PROMISE LECT
acknowledged. The life is there ; it can be felt and
recognised, though we cannot analyse it or separate
it from the body which it animates.
Lastly, I have endeavoured to commend the Old
Testament to your study — your renewed and most
earnest study, — for the sake of the light which it
throws upon God's plan and purpose in the past and
in the future, not less than for the help which it may
give us for the present in our personal and social
needs.
I have not attempted to single out and dis
cuss, except incidentally, the difficulties raised by
modern criticism of the Old Testament. There is
always a grave danger of exaggerating difficulties by
taking them out of their proper context and pro
portion ; and the best way of meeting difficulties
often is to survey the ground upon which we may
securely plant our feet in order fearlessly to estimate
their real importance.
If in what I have said I have given pain to any,
or put forward what seem to them very imperfect
conceptions of that unique Book which we all alike
desire to reverence as the Word of God, I crave their
pardon. If by untrue or inadequate representations
I have dishonoured the Word of God, I humbly crave
His pardon.
But I cannot but think that here as elsewhere it
is true that
" The old order change th, yielding place to new,
And God fulfils Himself in many ways ; "
v OF THE SPIRIT 143
and that through freer methods of the study of the
Bible He is leading us to a truer conception of what
the Bible is, and a fuller knowledge of what is His
message to us in the present day through the Bible.
At least we are agreed in this, that these things
are not a vain thing for us ; for they are our life :
and " the Ariadne-thread which shall lead us through
the labyrinth of all perplexities is the faith that
Christ is risen indeed" and that He has not left us
orphans, but is indeed still present with us in the
living power of that Spirit of truth whom He has sent
to guide us into all the truth.
NOTES
NOTE A, p. vi.
CRITICAL STUDY OP THE OLD TESTAMENT
IN the interval between the delivery and the publication of
these lectures, Professor Driver's long-expected Introduc
tion to the IMerature of the Old Testament appeared. It is a
great pleasure to be able to point to a work which treats
the Old Testament at once with due reverence and with
complete candour. Whatever may be thought of the
conclusions at which he arrives with regard to the
questions of Old Testament criticism, there ought to
be but one opinion as to the spirit in which he
approaches them. The judicious reserve and calm
sobriety of the book must win a patient hearing for it
even where the views put forward in it are most un
welcome. Such arguments must, it will be felt, be met
by arguments, and not by denunciation. I venture to
make a somewhat lengthy extract from the preface, as
it sums up most forcibly the principles which I have
desired to express in these Lectures.
"It is not the case that critical conclusions, such as
those expressed in the present volume, are in con
flict either with the Christian creeds or with the
L
146 NOTES
articles of the Christian faith. Those conclusions affect
not the fact of revelation, but only its form. They help
to determine the stages through which it passed, the
different phases which it assumed, and the process by
which the record of it was built up. They do not
touch either the authority or the inspiration of the
Scriptures of the Old Testament. They imply no
change in respect to the Divine attributes revealed in
the Old Testament ; no change in the lessons of human
duty to be derived from it ; no change as to the general
position (apart from the interpretation of particular
passages) that the Old Testament points forward pro
phetically to Christ. That both the religion of Israel
itself, and the record of its history embodied in the Old
Testament, are the work of men whose hearts have
been touched, and minds illumined, in different degrees,
by the Spirit of God, is manifest : but the recognition
of this truth does not decide the question of the author
by whom, or the date at which, particular parts of the
Old Testament were committed to writing ; nor does it
determine the precise literary character of a given
narrative or book. . . .
"It is probable that every form of composition
known to the ancient Hebrews was utilised as a vehicle
of Divine truth, and is represented in the Old Testa
ment. . . .
"There is a human factor in the Bible, which,
though quickened and sustained by the informing Spirit,
is never wholly absorbed or neutralised by it, and the
limits of its operation cannot be ascertained by an
arbitrary a priori determination of the methods of in
spiration ; the only means by which they can be ascer
tained is by an assiduous and comprehensive study of
the facts presented by the Old Testament itself. . . ,
NOTES 147
" Criticism in the hands of Christian scholars does
not banish or destroy the inspiration of the Old Testa
ment ; it presupposes it ; it seeks only to determine the
conditions under which it operates, and the literary
forms through which it manifests itself ; and it thus
helps us to form truer conceptions of the methods which
it has pleased God to employ in revealing Himself to
His ancient people of Israel, and in preparing the way
for the fuller manifestation of Himself in Christ Jesus."
NOTE B, p. 41
THE DATE OF THE PSALMS
THESE words were written before the publication of
Professor Cheyne's Bampton Lectures on The Origin and
Religious Contents of the Psalter. In these Lectures he main
tains the view that the whole of the Psalter, with the
possible exception of Ps. xviii., is post-exilic. Even
of Ps. xviii. he speaks with hesitation. He "cannot
complain if some prefer to regard the Psalm as an
imaginative work of the exile" (p. 206). Ten or
twelve Psalms he assigns to the period of the Restora
tion ; twenty-seven, more or less, to the Maccabaean
period; some sixteen to the pre- Maccabaean Greek
period. But it is to the Persian period, and especially
the later part of it, that we are indebted for most of
the Psalms.
Professor Cheyne's arguments leave me unconvinced.
He starts from the assumption that Simon the Maccabee
edited the two last books of the Psalter, soon after
142 B.C. (p. 12). But he admits that "we have no
ancient record " of such editing, though the prosaic
148 NOTES
author of 1 Maccabees " warms into poetry in telling
of the prosperity of Israel under Simon," and " makes
it the climax of his description that he ' made glorious
the sanctuary, and multiplied the vessels of the temple '
(1 Mace. xiv. 15)." The argument from silence is no
doubt precarious ; but the fact must be faced that " our
one first-class authority for the Maccabaean period " is
absolutely silent about that " reconstitution of the
temple -psalmody" to which "we may, nay, we must
conjecture that ... the noble high priest and virtual
king, Simon, devoted himself " ; and is equally silent
about the editing of the last two books of the Psalter
which we are told to connect with it.
Thus the foundation and starting-point of Professor
Cheyne's argument is a conjecture, or rather series of
conjectures ; and though it is true, as he tells us, that
" the dark places of history must sometimes be illumined
by the torch of conjecture," it cannot be too carefully
remembered that that torch is not daylight, and is ex
tremely apt to cast misleading shadows.
The history of the Canon is admittedly so obscure,
that it would be rash dogmatically to assert the impos
sibility of such a late date for the final arrangement of
the last two books of the Psalter. But in spite of
Professor Cheyne's arguments to the contrary, I cannot
but think that (1) the language of the Prologue to
Ecclesiasticus with its implicit distinction between canon
ical and deutero- canonical books; (2) the probable
date and actual character of the Septuagint Version of
the Psalter ; (3) the use made of Pss. xcvi., cv., cvi.,
cxxxii., in 1 Chr. xvi. 8-36; 2 Chr. vi. 41, 42; (4)
the silence of 1 Mace. ; when taken together create
a very strong presumption against the possibility of so
late a date for the last two books of the Psalter.
NOTES 149
In estimating the weight of historical probabilities;
the arguments must be taken all together, and not
separately \ and taken together, they point distinctly
in the opposite direction to Professor Cheyne's con
jecture.
Starting from his conjectural hypothesis, Professor
Cheyne proceeds to fix the probable dates of particular
Psalms. He assigns some seventeen Psalms in Books
iv. and v. to the Maccabaean period, and about seven
more to the pre-Maccabaean Greek period. Some of
these Psalms may plausibly enough be thought to
reflect the circumstances of the Maccabaean age, and if
there are Maccabaean Psalms in the Psalter at all, it is
natural to look for some of them in what is undoubtedly,
in the main, the latest part of the Psalter. But it may
be questioned whether these Psalms cannot equally well
be explained from the circumstances of other periods,
and whether there are not conspicuous features of the
Maccabaean age which are absent. And his treatment
of Ps. cxxxvii. is an example of the arbitrary criticism
into which Professor Cheyne is forced by his theory of
the date of these books. If any Psalm bears upon the
face of it clear indications of the time at which it was
composed, it is this Psalm. The writer and those for
whom he speaks are still smarting under the fresh
recollection of the sufferings of the Exile. But this
will not suit Professor Cheyne's theory. " So striking
a poem, if composed soon after the Return, would
have found a home in the 3d Book of the Psalrns."
Why so is not quite clear, for Pss. xciii., xcv. — c. are
placed about 516 B.C. But Ps. cxxxvii. must be re
garded as a ' dramatic lyric,' and assigned to the age of
Simon.
It is, however, in the denial of the existence of
150 NOTES
pre-exilic Psalms in the Psalter (with the possible excep
tion of Ps. xviii.) that Professor Cheyne's criticism is
most arbitrary. That religious poetry existed before
the Exile is certain. I must decline to abandon the
evidence of Ps. cxxxvii. 3, 4, on this point, and it is
supplemented by the reference to the ancient praises of
Israel in the Temple in Is. Ixiv. 11, and by such a
passage as Jer. xxxiii. 11. The Lamentations, which Pro
fessor Cheyne allows to have been written in the Exile,
are, if I am not mistaken, artificial in style as well as in
form. They are clear evidence that the art of writing
sacred poetry had been long and largely practised.
There is then an a priori probability that the Psalter con
tains pre-exilic Psalms. It would be strange, indeed, if
none of the pre-exilic Psalms had been preserved. In
the first place then, at least those Psalms which contain
a definite reference to the king, such as ii., xviii., xx.,
xxi., xlv., Ixi., Ixiii., Ixxii., presumably belong to the
period of the monarchy. Why, except in the interests
of a theory, should Ps. ii. be regarded as a dramatic
lyric, written long after the Eeturn, by a poet who
throws himself back into the age of David or Solomon ?
Surely, if evidence of tone and style are worth anything
at all, this Psalm must have been written in view of
actual facts. In the prophets we find Messianic hopes,
such as those which are expressed in this Psalm, spring
ing out of and closely connected with the circumstances
of the time. Why should we assume that it is other
wise in the Psalter? The reference of Pss. xlv. and
Ixxii. to Ptolemy Philadelphus is singularly unsatisfac
tory from every point of view. Why should Pss. xx.,
xxi., Ixi., Ixiii. be referred to Judas or Simon 1 Pro
fessor Cheyne by no means disposes of the objection
that the title of king was studiously avoided by these
NOTES 151
princes, and only assumed by Aristobulus and his
successors (105 B.C.).
Further, Pss. xlvi., xlviii., Ixxv., Ixxvi. may much
more naturally be referred to the deliverance of Jeru
salem from Sennacherib, than " at the earliest, to one of
the happier parts of the Persian age." We are told that
"the Jewish Church in Isaiah's time was far too germ
inal to have sung these expressions of daring mono
theism and impassioned love for the temple." If this
means that these Psalms soar far above the belief of the
average Israelite of the time, I am quite ready to admit
it. But that is no argument against their having been
composed by Isaiah, or a poet fired with Isaiah's en
thusiasm and insight, and used in the public celebration
of the deliverance of Zion. Do all those who join in a
Church hymn appropriate its full meaning 1 But if it
means that there is anything in these Psalms in advance
of Isaiah's theology, I deny the fact. It may be remarked
by the way, that it is distinctly not " impassioned love
for the temple " which inspires Pss. xlvi. and xlviii., but
admiring love for the city, which has been so signally
delivered ; and the thought of these Psalms is in full
accord with Isaiah's teaching on the inviolability of
Zion. Professor Cheyne will hardly allow an argument
from quotations, but it appears to me quite certain that
Lam. ii. 15 unites Ps. xlviii. 2 and Ps. 1. 2.
If these Psalms can securely be claimed for the age
of the kingdom, they may carry many others with them.
Into the question of Davidic Psalms I will not enter
here. But I observe that Professor Cheyne " says for
himself that he cannot divide sharply between the age
of David, and that, say, of Isaiah " (p. 191 ), and for
myself, I must still ask with Riehm, how David came
to be regarded as the "sweet Psalmist of Israel," and how
152 NOTES
so many Psalms came to be ascribed to him, unless he
was really a Psalmist, and some of these Psalms were
actually written by him ? 1 What Professor Cheyne
means by his "second David" (p. 194), I am at a loss
to understand.
One result of Professor Cheyne's criticism is to credit
the obscure Persian period, and especially the later part
of it, with the production of the greater part of the
Psalter. To assign so many of the Psalms, including
some of the highest poetical merit and the most varied
character, to a period of which so little is really known,
is exceedingly precarious. On linguistic grounds, more
over, it is highly questionable. While it is no doubt
possible that later Psalmists imitated earlier models, it
seems improbable that we should possess only the imita
tions, and that the diction of the Psalms which are
presumed to be very late should not show more traces
of changes which there is reason to believe were passing
over the language.
To consider the bearing of the religious contents of
the Psalter upon its date would lead me far beyond the
limits of a note. But there are one or two points on
which I venture to offer the briefest remark. The free
use of the name Jehovah in the 4th and 5th Books of
the Psalter is in strong contrast to the avoidance of
Divine names in 1 Mace. ; and certainly, if the author
of 1 Mace, at all reflects the spirit of the age, this is one
argument against the hypothesis that these books were
arranged by Simon. Further, it still seems to me that
considerably more than a century must be allowed for the
growth and developments of religious thought between
the canonical Psalms and the Psalms of Solomon.
There is, moreover, no little force in the objection
1 Einleitung in das A. T., ii. 190.
NOTES 153
which Kiehm urges to the theory of a late post-exilic date
for the majority of the Psalms. It is admitted, he says,
even by Reuss, that the Psalms show a spirit akin to
the spirit of the Gospel, and that the same conceptions
of God's nature and man's duty as are found in the
Psalms are to be found in the Prophets. And yet we
are asked to believe that this spirit akin to the Gospel
is not the spirit of the prophetic age, but the spirit of a
Judaism which was binding itself more and more closely
to the letter of the law, and sinking more and more
deeply into a righteousness of works. Judaism might
make use of the treasures of song derived from ancient
times, but it could not have produced them.1
NOTE C, pp. 98, 104
ALLEGORY AND MYTH
I HAVE allowed the word allegory, which I originally
used, to remain, as being less liable to misunderstanding
than myth. But if the distinction drawn between myth
and allegory by Bishop Westcott in his essay on the
Myths of Plato were generally recognised, and the term
myth no longer regarded as conveying the idea of
something unreal, but understood in its technical sense,
myth would be the more appropriate word to use.
" A myth," he writes, " in its true technical sense is
the instinctive popular representation of an idea. ' A
myth,' it has been said, 'springs up in the soul as a
germ in the soil : meaning and form are one ; the history
is the truth.' Thus a myth, properly so called, has
points of contact with a symbol, an allegory, and a
1 Einleitung in das A. T., ii. 196.
154 NOTES
legend, and is distinguished from each. Like the
symbol, it is the embodiment and representation of a
thought. But the symbol is isolated, definite, and
absolute. The symbol, -and the truth which it figures,
are contemplated apart. The one suggests the other.
The myth, on the other hand, is continuous, historical,
and relative. The truth is seen in the myth, and not
separated from it. The representation is the actual
apprehension of the reality. The myth and the allegory,
again, have both a secondary sense. Both half hide and
half reveal the truth which they clothe. But in the
allegory the thought is grasped first and by itself, and
is then arranged in a particular dress. In the myth,
thought and form come into being together; the thought
is the vital principle which shapes the form ; the form
is the sensible image which displays the thought. The
allegory is the conscious work of an individual fashion
ing the image of a truth which he has seized. The
myth is the unconscious growth of a common mind,
which witnesses to the fundamental laws by which its
development is ruled. The meaning of an allegory is
prior to the construction of the story : the meaning of
a myth is first capable of being separated from the
expression in an age long after that in which it had its
origin. The myth and the legend have more in common.
Both spring up naturally. Both are the unconscious
embodiments of popular feeling. Both are, as it seems,
necessary accompaniments of primitive forms of society.
The legend stands in the same relation to history and
life as the myth to speculation and thought. The
legend deals with a fact as outward, concrete, objective.
The myth deals with an idea or the observation of a
fact as inward, abstract, subjective. The tendency of
the legend is to go ever farther from the simple circum
NOTES 155
stances from which it took its rise. The tendency of
the myth is to express more and more clearly the idea
which it foreshews."1
Undoubtedly in the narrative of the Fall "the repre
sentation was the actual apprehension of the reality,"
and the truth was seen in the narrative, and not separ
ated from it. Whatever may have been the origin of
the narrative, whether or not it was brought from the
Mesopotamian home of the race, it has been adopted by
inspiration, and stamped with a Divine authority, as
teaching us what we can know of " man's first disobedi
ence," and the entry of sin into the world by the opposi
tion of man's will to God's.
Exception is sometimes taken to the application of
the term myth or allegory to the story of the Fall, as
though it of necessity implied a doubt as to the essential
reality of the truth conveyed by the story. I desire
most emphatically to disclaim any such intention. But
I do hold that it is legitimate to maintain that this
narrative is not to be understood as literal history any
more than the visions of the Apocalypse are to be under
stood as literal descriptions of heaven. For us, the
underlying truth, and not the outward form in which
that truth is clothed, is the essential thing.
1 Essays in the History of Religious Thought in the West, p. 3 ff.
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11 PROLEGOMENA TO ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE
ROMANS AND THE EPHESIANS. By Rev. F. J. A. HORT.
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 11
The Epistles of St. Paul — continued.
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 13
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 27
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 29
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Zwemer (S. M.) — Brown (Dr. A. J.) — THE NEARER AND
FARTHER EAST: OUTLINE STUDIES OF MOSLEM
LANDS AND OF SIAM, BURMA, AND KOREA. By
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Printed by R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh.
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(*s
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BS Kirkpatrick, Alexander F,
11 40 The divine library of
.K5 the Old Testament ...
1909